Despite abundant evidence that race has been a significant factor in informing historical processes in Swaziland there is presently no major study that focusses on the theme. The main aim of the current thesis is to examine the impact of discriminatory policies and practices in the country by analyzing the reaction of different sections of the society to formal and informal discrimination. While focussing on the period between 1945 and 1973 the thesis traces the evolution of Swaziland’s racial history dating back to the 1840s. The thesis also shows how the conditions created by the intervention of the colonial state as well as competing white interests between 1903 and 1944 deepened political and economic inequality in the country. In parallel, the thesis explores Swazi agency as was manifested through the reactions and initiatives of the monarchy when it stood up to challenge discriminatory policies and practices which were being applied to blacks. This was strongly indicated from the 1930s when a revived cultural nationalism was embraced by the Swazi monarchy to articulate Swazi grievances. To highlight contradictions in Swaziland’s racial patterns Coloured identity is discussed extensively. The thesis also explores the manner in which the Swazi educated elite confronted racial discrimination and argues that their approach was inadequate in alleviating racial injustices as they were experienced by most Swazis in different places. The central argument of the thesis, therefore, is that the formal abolition of discrimination in Swaziland in 1961 is to be understood against the anti - colonial politics in the post - World War II era. The thesis contends that the abolition of racial discrimination by the Swaziland colonial administration was largely a diplomatic gesture necessitated by the local and contemporary political climate as well as changing international relations of the 1960s including developments in the Union / Republic of South Africa. Finally, the thesis observes that since the outlawing of discrimination was not necessarily an indication of government’s political commitment to confronting racism the post - abolition period was not a fundamental departure from the pre - abolition era. Discriminatory attitudes and practices persisted in covert as well as overt, but, subtle forms in most spheres of Swazi society and particularly at the work place. This thesis also observes that the lack of holistic strategies to curb racially inspired practices led to unabated manifestations of discrimination in the country.

This dissertation examines the deracialization concept through a case study of Governor Deval Patrick's first administration and reelection campaign. The study use critical discourse analysis to explore how race as a discursive social construct was present in the speeches made by Governor Deval Patrick from June 2007 through June 2010. The discursive presence of race is also explored during Governor Patrick's reelection campaign in the reporting of the Boston Globe and the Bay State Banner newspapers, a mainstream newspaper and an African American newspaper, respectively, that both endorsed Patrick's campaign for the unprecedented reelection of a black governor. This study finds that Governor Patrick used strategic faming and racial signifiers in his public discourse; Patrick symbolically affirmed his blackness and politically advocated issues, especially in education, sensitive to black and underprivileged communities.This case study proves problematic for the deracialization concept. Important to Patrick's discourse is his framing of issues through explicit appeals to the American dream and a message of inclusivity for all Massachusetts residents that includes racially marginalized groups. There were differences in representation of Patrick in both newspapers, but in regards to race the Bay State Banner emphasized specific issues of importance to the black community whereas the Boston Globe portrayed Deval Patrick as the more likable candidate amongst his political opponents without any emphasis to Patrick's race. / Ph. D.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T20:38:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 6730.pdf: 1841888 bytes, checksum: d1c30b1775acfb73d35c170aa2d26f0d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-09-18 / Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais / In this text we examined the actions of the Brazilian government, in its different dimensions, compared to the social demands and academic debates on the ethnic-racial relations. Our thesis is that race and affirmative action with racial criteria categories intend to demarcate the nation and an important frontier in Brazilian scholarship on ethnic-racial relations, unraveling the processes of racialization present in the country's history. They intend to destabilize the nation, disarticulate and implode some of the pillars of the national discourse constructed throughout the twentieth century, namely: the Brazilian people - condensed in the discourse of mixed nationality; the myth of harmonious coexistence among ethnic and racial groups; and the notion that Brazilian racism would be harmless or residual. The central objective that guided this study was to understand the conceptual and ideological ruptures and transformations within the national-state in the course of antiracist struggles and achievements of rights. More specifically, we had the following objectives: to observe the concepts that guided the Brazilian intellectual production with regard to race relations in different historical moments; rescue the major elements present in the struggles of the Brazilian black movement in the highlighted period; understand which dialogues and which deadlocks present in the relationship between the state, the black movement and academia. In temporal terms rescued, first, some (social, political and theoretical) elements occurring in Brazil and elsewhere throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries and that assist us in understanding the current situation. Subsequently, we focus on the period stretching from the 1980s to the present day, when it opened a new scenario to think Brazilian racism due to reformatting of the Black Movement, the adoption of the Federal Constitution of 1988 and the emergence of affirmative action. The analysis is diachronic, since it prioritizes the processes, but also focuses attention on critical events, such as the Afonso Arinos Law; the Federal Constitution of 1988; the Durban Conference (2001); the National Curriculum Guidelines for the Education of Ethnic-Racial Relations and the Education of African-Brazilian and African History and Culture; decisions of the Supreme Court with respect to coordinates (2012), among others. / Neste trabalho analisamos as ações do Estado brasileiro, em suas diferentes dimensões, frente às demandas sociais e aos debates acadêmicos em torno das relações étnico-raciais. Nossa tese é que as categorias raça e ações afirmativas com critério racial tencionam a nação e demarcam uma fronteira importante nos estudos acadêmicos brasileiros sobre relações étnico-raciais, desvendando os processos de racialização presentes na história do país. Elas tencionam a nação ao desestabilizarem, desarticularem e implodirem alguns dos pilares do discurso nacional construídos ao longo século XX, quais sejam: o povo brasileiro condensado no discurso da nacionalidade mestiça; o mito da convivência harmoniosa entre os grupos étnico-raciais; e a noção de que o racismo brasileiro seria inofensivo ou residual. O objetivo central que guiou este trabalho foi perceber as rupturas e transformações conceituais e ideológicas no interior do Estado-nacional no decorrer das lutas antirracistas e das conquistas de direitos. Mais especificamente, tivemos como objetivos: observar os conceitos que orientaram a produção intelectual brasileira no que toca às relações raciais em diferentes momentos históricos; resgatar os principais elementos presentes nas lutas do movimento negro brasileiro no período destacado; perceber quais os diálogos e quais os impasses presentes na relação entre o Estado, o movimento negro e a academia. Em termos temporais resgatamos, primeiramente, alguns elementos (sociais, políticos e teóricos) ocorridos no Brasil e fora dele ao longo dos séculos XIX e XX e que nos auxiliam na compreensão da conjuntura atual. Posteriormente, focamos no período que se estende da década de 1980 aos dias atuais, quando é inaugurado um novo cenário para pensarmos o racismo brasileiro, devido à reformatação do Movimento Negro, a aprovação da Constituição Federal de 1988 e o surgimento das ações afirmativas. A análise é diacrônica, uma vez que prioriza os processos, mas também foca atenção sobre alguns eventos críticos, tais como: a Lei Afonso Arinos; a Constituição Federal de 1988; a Conferência de Durban (2001); as Diretrizes Curriculares Nacionais para a Educação das Relações Étnico-raciais e para o Ensino de História e Cultura Afro-brasileira e Africana; as decisões do STF com relação às cotas (2012), entre outros.

Immigration is one of the effects, one of the symptoms of the ill-functioning and outdated machine that is the elite. Immigration and asylum-seeking have been frequent topics in public debates for years. The number of refugees making their way from war-torn regions of the world to Sweden makes the citizen versus asylum-seeker dichotomy highly relevant for social psychology research about discursively constituted identities. That is to say: how social-categorizations, emotions and attitudes are created in text and talk. Today, public opinion is largely produced online, this makes it possible to explore the motivations, strategies and goals of “the nonracist racist” on Facebook. This study utilizes a dual-edged approach in that coding is done both from an inductive- and a deductive direction. It adheres to a discursive psychology approach and follows Potter and Edward’s (2001) situated, action-oriented and constructed features of discourse. These theoretical features inform the deductive coding and are contextualized using Sakki and Pettersson’s (2016) three representation of otherness with subsequent six discourses produced by the populist radical right. Findings indicate that cultural comparison constructing cultural incompatibility is the main rhetorical resource for constructing the citizen versus asylum-seeker dichotomy. However, this dichotomy is not the most dominant “us and them” construction by the “nonracist racist”. “The elite versus the people” is the most common “us and them” construction. It carries significant weight that the seemingly unfiltered expressions of hatred on anti-immigration pages on Facebook are more concerned with what “we” are doing wrong rather than what is wrong with any “deviant others”. It is more about an internal clash of moral compasses than it is about a supposed clash of civilizations. Along with the occasioned feature of discourse, this partly explains why anti-immigration advocates for example position themselves as victims or defenders.