Thèse - Université de Lausanne. / At head of title: Université de Lausanne. Faculté de droit. "Bibliographie": p. 167-171.

Thèse - Université de Lausanne. / At head of title: Université de Lausanne. Faculté de droit. "Bibliographie": p. 167-171.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2005. / Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center; full text release delayed at author's request until 2010 Dec 22

No description available.

This dissertation explores the role of Absolutist states in the transition from feudalism to capitalism in Western Europe. Three general questions are addressed: (1) what are the determinants of variations in the autonomy of rulers? (2) what are the consequences of variations in autonomy for states policies? and (3) what are the effects of various state policies on economic development? A new theoretical framework, based on a synthesis of the neoclassical economic literature on principal-agent relations and current organizational theory in sociology, is developed to answer these three questions. Case studies of Absolutism in England, France, Sweden, and Spain are used to illustrate the explanatory power of the theory.

A presente dissertação apresenta uma leitura das Cartas persas, de Montesquieu, centrada na análise do chamado romance do serralho, conjunto temático correspondente à intriga do harém abandonado na Pérsia. O estudo busca mostrar em que medida a trama oriental das Cartas persas adquire mais densidade após a primeira publicação da obra, em 1721, enfatizando sua importância para a reflexão de cunho político-filosófica que Montesquieu desenvolve em sua obra. A proposta é demonstrar de que maneira o romance do serralho constitui uma crítica ao despotismo e como ele representa dois regimes de poder distintos que se sobrepuseram a partir do século XVIII. Levando em consideração a complexidade do dispositivo epistolar posto em prática por Montesquieu em suas Cartas persas, propõe-se, ainda, compreender o papel das diferentes personagens que integram o sistema polifônico do harém, com o intuito de depreender o alcance de sua significação para a obra. / The present dissertation intends to provide an analysis of Montesquieus Lettres persanes focused in the so-called romance of seraglio, a set of themes which correspond to the dispute of the abandoned harem in Persia. This study proposes to show how the oriental plot of Lettres persanes attains greater density after the first publication of the oeuvre, in 1721, highlighting its importance to the political-philosophical reflection developed by Montesquieu in his oeuvre. The proposal aims to demonstrate the way the romance of seraglio constitutes a critic to despotism and how it represents two different power regimes which overlapped since the 18th century. Taking into consideration the complexity of the epistolary device concocted by Montesquieu in his Lettres persanes, this study also aims to understand the role of its various characters which integrate the polyphonic system of the harem, with the intention of fathom the reach of its significance to the oeuvre.

How do autocrats maintain power? In many cases, autocrats lack the support of a majority of the population. This problem is particularly stark in electoral autocracies, where autocrats must generate millions of favorable votes in order to stay in power. Coercion, or the forcible exclusion of some segments of the population from power, is one tool that many autocrats use to solve this problem. However, creating coercive institutions is also dangerous for autocrats, as the same forces that can be used to coerce citizens can also be used to depose or demand resources from the autocrat himself. In the first paper, I contend that autocracies can use the psychological effects of fear to coerce citizens at a lower cost and at lower personal risk. This psychological theory of autocratic coercion has two core implications that I test. First, I use a lab-in-the-field experiment to show that the emotion of fear reduces participation in pro-democracy action, and that this may work through its effects on perceptions of risk and risk attitudes. Second, I show using correlational evidence that propensity to feel fear predicts variation in participation in dissent. In the second paper, I examine how poverty conditions the way that citizens respond to the threat of coercion. I argue that poverty may make coercion more effective in reducing citizen dissent both by making citizens more prone to fear, and by increasing their physical vulnerability to violence. I test this prediction at the individual and constituency level using data on public opinion and voting in Zimbabwe, drawing on random variation in recent exposure to violence and poverty. The third paper tests whether emotions can also be used by activists to increase dissent among citizens with anti-regime preferences. I partnered with an opposition party that ran an experimental test of angry against enthusiastic campaign messages using video and images sent out via mobile phone chat groups. Analysis of the transcripts of these groups shows that the anger appeals generated significantly more pro-opposition participation in the groups. There is some evidence that anger was most effective in constituencies that had experienced violence in the past.

À la suite d’importants travaux portant sur la place de la figure féminine dans lalittérature du XVIIIe siècle, notre regard s’est porté sur la figure de la femme del’Orient, de culture musulmane particulièrement. De nombreux écrivains font de cettefigure une construction littéraire qui met l’accent sur nombreuses idées qui préoccupentle siècle des Lumières. Dans cette étude, certains genres de la littérature française del’époque se croisent comme le roman, le conte, l’histoire, la tragédie et une oeuvrelittéraire de la littérature anglaise traduite en français qui est le fruit d’un voyage d’uneauteure anglaise en Turquie. L’intérêt de notre recherche consiste à étudier le rôle, laprésence et les caractéristiques de la femme orientale dans quelques oeuvres de Voltaire,de Diderot, de François, Baron de Tott, de Lady Montagu et principalement deMontesquieu, en particulier les Lettres persanes. La femme orientale, objet d’étude pourles écrivains, représente cet étranger intriguant qui permet d’élaborer un discours àdifférents niveaux : social, moral, religieux, politique, esthétique et littéraire. Elle estpour les lecteurs cet Autre qui crée chez eux de l’attirance et du rejet, de la curiosité etune forme de condamnation. La femme est représentée à travers un ensemble deprincipes qui permettent d'une part d'aborder la féminité (l'amour, la séduction, lemariage) mais aussi de la placer dans un dispositif argumentatif qui concerne desvaleurs universelles : la liberté, l'égalité des êtres, dans un contexte religieux, social etpolitique. La présence de la femme orientale dans la création littéraire libère le regardsur l’autre ainsi que sur soi. Son image est une invention occidentale qui ne vise pas às’imposer comme une réalité historique et culturelle, mais qui est considérée comme lavariante d’un même stéréotype mise au service du projet esthétique, intellectuel,philosophique des auteurs des Lumières soucieux de transmettre une connaissancesavante sur l’Orient. / The image of the oriental woman has for a long time its echo and its distinct place in the French literature. For this reason, we chose this sujet. In our researche,we intend to find answers to numerous questions: How did constitute the image of the woman in the works of the writers? How was it reflected in their spirit? What arouses its image? How the writers represent her(it)? What parameters (do typological, sociological, psychological, ethnic, religious) allow to represent at best the oriental woman? How do we make of the East, place of diverse fantasies, the object of a metaphoric or allegorical discussion of another sociocultural reality, the western world? Why the literary myth of the Oriental is favored in the literary creation of the writers of the Enlightenment? In sum, we suggest studying the treatment of the stereotype of the oriental woman in the literature and his evolution during the XVIIIth century. Is the oriental woman condemned to be only the symbol of the sensualism, and the sensual delight, the inhabitant of a harem where the power of the man subjects her constantly? Such a stereotype reduces the woman to be only a body object of desire. But the literature of the XVIIIth century seems to give an other place to the oriental woman, as we were able to see him in our memory of Master's degree. Thus this reflection deserves to be completed in a more thorough study, during a doctoral thesis.

L’objectif de cette thèse est d’examiner en détail le concept de despotisme présenté par « la deuxième génération de la Nahḍa » - des penseurs actifs de la fin des années 1870 au début du XXème siècle - ainsi que d’éclaircir l’importance historique de leur effort intellectuel. En outre, l’objectif secondaire est de démontrer que cette génération, tout en tenant compte de l’esprit de la liberté comme norme politique, a développé une connaissance plus universelle qu’auparavant vis-à-vis du mécanisme du despotisme et des moyens d’y résister. Les intellectuels arabes du XIXème siècle commencent à utiliser le mot al-istibdād dans le sens de « despotisme », en entendant que ce concept, différent de celui de « tyrannie » qui est traditionnellement l’objet de condamnations, est un système oppressif qui bloque le développement de la société et qui cause la ruine de la communauté. Notamment depuis la révolte de ‘Urābī, les penseurs utilisent le « despotisme » comme un mot-clé pour lutter contre les régimes autoritaires et élargissent leurs débats non seulement au domaine politique mais également au domaine social avec des combats tels que la libération des femmes ou encore l’éducation, sans oublier le domaine culturel avec l’écriture de romans et l’activité théâtrale. Dans ce contexte historique, le réformiste musulman Muhammad ‘Abduh (1849-1905) contribue au développement du concept de despotisme, notamment à travers l’idée du « despote juste », et à la connaissance du système oppressif. Tout en gardant une conception platonicienne qui attribue la prospérité de l’État à la qualité et aux vertus de son dirigeant, il approfondit tout de même l’analyse sur le système de propagation du pouvoir qui transmet l’oppression des élites alliées avec les puissances européennes aux classes populaires et pauvres, par l’intermédiaire des classes moyennes.Les contributions des autres intellectuels à la critique du despotisme se diversifient. Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī (1838/9-97) et Khalīl Ghānim (1846-1903) insistent sur le rapport idéologique entre l’impérialisme et le despotisme oriental. Adīb Isḥāq (1856-1884), inspiré par les Lumières européennes telles que Montesquieu et Rousseau, explique que la liberté et le despotisme forment un couple de concepts interdépendants qui se réfléchissent comme en miroir, ce qui rend d’autant plus aisé la substitution du couple de concepts politiques traditionnels que sont la justice (‘adl) et l’injustice (ẓulm). Par ailleurs, alors que Shiblī Shumayyil (1850-1917), darwiniste arabe, critique le despotisme du point de vue de l’organicisme social, ‘Abdullāh Nadīm (1845-1895) met en question, à travers ses fictions, la domination des privilégiés économiquement, culturellement et linguistiquement, sur les populations défavorisées. Enfin, Qāsim Amīn (1863-1908) et ‘Abdul Raḥmān al-Kawākibī (1855-1902) essayent quant à eux de concilier la connaissance de leur propre tradition avec les sciences modernes : ils mettent en lumière le rôle du pouvoir despotique dans l’ordre hiérarchique entre hommes et femmes, et replacent le despotisme oriental dans le contexte de la monopolisation des capitaux par les puissances coloniales au sein du système économique mondial. En somme, les penseurs de cette génération multiplient les efforts pour approfondir leurs analyses du despotisme indigène, pour construire un esprit commun, pour reconnaître sans concessions les défauts de leur propres sociétés, pour rendre prioritaire l’éducation du peuple aux dépens des intérêts du dirigeant et des privilégiés, et pour émanciper à la fois l’État et la société. Ainsi, nous montrons que ces auteurs ne tombent pas dans le piège d’une théorie soulignant les spécificités des sociétés arabo-musulmanes et aboutissant à défendre l’inévitabilité du despotisme dans cette partie du monde, mais qu’ils poursuivent au contraire leur quête de la conciliation de leur propre tradition avec une inspiration universaliste. / The objective of this dissertation is to examine in detail the concept of despotism as presented by the second generation of Nahḍa – Arabic thinkers active from the late 1870s to the early twentieth century - as well as to clarify the historical importance of their intellectual efforts. In addition, the secondary objective is to demonstrate that this generation, while taking into account the notion of freedom as a political norm, also developed a far more universal understanding of the mechanisms of despotism (and the means to resist them) than had hitherto existed.Arab intellectuals of the 19th century began to use the word al-istibdād as an equivalent to "despotism", understanding this concept, in contradistinction to traditional notions of “tyranny”, as an oppressive system that impedes the development of society, and which brings about the eventual ruin of the community. Particularly following the ‘Urabi Revolt (1879-1882), Arabic thinkers began to use the term "despotism" as a slogan in their fight against authoritarian regimes, and extended its use not only from the political field to the social field, notably with regard to the struggle for the liberation of women and the education of the people, but also to the cultural field, including through the writing of novels and plays. In this historical context, the Islamic reformist Muhammad ‘Abduh (1849-1905) made a particularly noteworthy contribution to the development of the concept of despotism, especially through his idea of the "just despot", and his analysis of the systems of oppression. While retaining the Platonic principle that the prosperity of the State depends upon the qualities and virtues of its leader, he simultaneously analyzed the ways in which the power system reproduced itself, transmitting oppression from elites allied with the European powers, via the middle classes, down to the lower classes and the poor. Many other intellectuals also contributed to the development of the concept of despotism. Jamal al-Dīn al-Afghani (1838/9-1897) and Khalīl Ghānim (1846-1903) emphasized the ideological relationship between imperialism and Oriental despotism. Adib Isḥāq (1856-1884), inspired by European Enlightenment thinkers such as Montesquieu and Rousseau, explained that the despotic state does not repress the people in the name of “repression” but creates -by giving the illusion of freedom to the public- a triangular system of fear, jealousy, and mutual suspicion. Moreover, while Shibli Shumayyil (1850-1917), an Arab Darwinist, criticized despotism from the perspective of social evolution, Abdullaah Nadim (1845-1895) questioned, through his fiction, the economic, cultural, and linguistic hegemony of the privileged classes over the masses. Finally, Qāsim Amīn (1863-1908) and ‘Abdul al-Raḥmān Kawakibi (1855-1902) attempted to reconcile their own traditional knowledge with modern science. They highlighted the role of despotic power in hierarchical relationships between men and women, and reexamined Oriental despotism in the context of the monopolization of capital by the colonial powers within the global economic system. In sum, the thinkers of this generation made every possible effort to deepen their analysis of indigenous despotism, to recognize the faults of their own societies, to prioritize the education of the people over the interests of the leader and privileged, to emancipate both the state and society from the yoke of autocratic tradition, and to evolve a common sprit or vision. Thus, these authors did not fall into the trap of emphasizing the specificities of Arab-Muslim societies, and thus defending the inevitability of despotism, but rather persevered in their quest to reconcile their own traditions with universal visions.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2008. / The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on August 22, 2008) Includes bibliographical references.