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The main aim of the study was to investigate how the Vhavenḓa royal kingdom’s communicative functions and positions of royalty and settlement pattern were disempowered by the British colonists, the apartheid government, the Homeland system and the new democratic government which came into power in 1994. The arrival of the British colonists disempowered the Vhavenḓa Kingdom by reducing the title of the King to that of a mere chief. This was, among others, a leading cause for the fall and the end of the Vhavenḓa Kingdom. The Apartheid regime (1949-1994) also had a negative impact on the Vhavenda royal kingdom as the regime put a large number of people who were not of the royal families into chieftainship. This resulted in chieftaincy becoming an appointment rather than a birth right. The Homeland system, a creation of Apartheid, also caused confusion and disagreements among the Vhavenḓa. Some of those who were born of royal descent were removed from chieftainship positions and more educated Vhavenḓa citizens who were just mere commoners were put in those positions. The new democratic government (1994) tried to bring back the chieftaincy titles that were taken by former governments but this was complicated by the appointment of ward representatives, councilors and civic organisations. The democratic government split areas into wards, and, as a result, the system failed to work in unison with the Vhavenḓa Kingdom. Chiefs were reduced to ceremonial monarchs, and decision-making powers were the preserve of the politicians, and not the chiefs. This study utilized the theory of Ethnopragmatics. Both qualitative and quantitative methods were employed to collect data. Data were collected from the youth, royals, non-royal adults and chiefs by means of questionnaires and interviews. Data were then transcribed by the researcher and the coding system was used to analyse it. Coding methods used included open, axial and selective coding methods. Data were viii then presented, discussed and conclusions drawn. Results revealed that chiefs and their subjects have many concerns. Recommendations were also made to address the concerns raised by participants. / Anthropology and Archaeology

The purpose of this study was to identify and analyze cause of disempowerment for the population of Palestine. The design of the research took the shape of a descriptive case study and the method used to fulfill the purpose was a qualitative text analysis. The material used for the study derives from various books and research journals on the Israeli-Palestine conflict, but most of all observational reports from international organizations. The theory used is a multi-dimensional one and is Friedmann’s (dis)empowerment model where five mechanisms; defensible life space, surplus time, knowledge and skills, instruments of work and livelihood and financial resources have been used as the analytical framework. The conclusion of the study is that there are several factors causing disempowerment following the analysis or the theoretical mechanisms respectively. These are connected to armed hostilities between Israel and Gaza, settlement expansions in the West Bank and the occupational status of Palestine. Supported by the material analyzed, these infringements need to cease combined with exterior help in order for the situation to markedly improve.

The main aim of the study was to investigate how the Vhavenḓa royal kingdom’s communicative functions and positions of royalty and settlement pattern were disempowered by the British colonists, the apartheid government, the Homeland system and the new democratic government which came into power in 1994. The arrival of the British colonists disempowered the Vhavenḓa Kingdom by reducing the title of the King to that of a mere chief. This was, among others, a leading cause for the fall and the end of the Vhavenḓa Kingdom. The Apartheid regime (1949-1994) also had a negative impact on the Vhavenda royal kingdom as the regime put a large number of people who were not of the royal families into chieftainship. This resulted in chieftaincy becoming an appointment rather than a birth right. The Homeland system, a creation of Apartheid, also caused confusion and disagreements among the Vhavenḓa. Some of those who were born of royal descent were removed from chieftainship positions and more educated Vhavenḓa citizens who were just mere commoners were put in those positions. The new democratic government (1994) tried to bring back the chieftaincy titles that were taken by former governments but this was complicated by the appointment of ward representatives, councilors and civic organisations. The democratic government split areas into wards, and, as a result, the system failed to work in unison with the Vhavenḓa Kingdom. Chiefs were reduced to ceremonial monarchs, and decision-making powers were the preserve of the politicians, and not the chiefs. This study utilized the theory of Ethnopragmatics. Both qualitative and quantitative methods were employed to collect data. Data were collected from the youth, royals, non-royal adults and chiefs by means of questionnaires and interviews. Data were then transcribed by the researcher and the coding system was used to analyse it. Coding methods used included open, axial and selective coding methods. Data were viii then presented, discussed and conclusions drawn. Results revealed that chiefs and their subjects have many concerns. Recommendations were also made to address the concerns raised by participants. / Anthropology and Archaeology

Självbestämmande och livskvalitet är starkt kopplat till varandra och självbestämmande är samtidigt en viktig kvalitetsindikator på hur äldreboendet fungerar. Syftet med studien var att lyfta fram de äldres egna tankar och upplevelser av självbestäm-mande och värde på sitt särskilda boende. I denna kvalitativa studie har elva äldre personer på fem olika äldreboenden i en medelstor stad i Sydsverige intervjuats. Data har analyserat med manifest och latent kvalitativ innehållsanalys. I studien har följande fem huvudkatego-rier vuxit fram under analysens gång: Att ställas inför fullbordat faktum, Att vara till lags, Att vara beroende, Att känna uppgivenhet, Att inte värdesättas. Resultatet visar att själv-bestämmande på särskilda boenden behöver sättas i fokus, de äldre upplevde inte att de kunde påverka sin tillvaro på boendet. Det framkom även tydligt att de äldre inte kände att de hade något värde i samhället eller på boendet. Det övergripande tema som uttrycker det latenta innehållet i intervjuerna kom att framstå som disempowerment att omyndiggöra de äldre, vilket innebär en miljö som inte bemyndigar, och som inte stärker individens själv-bestämmande / Self-determination and quality of life are closely connected to one another and at the same time an important indicator on how the long-stay care functions. The aim of this study was to focus on the thoughts of the elderly people and their experiences on self determination and value in their long-stay care. In this qualitative study, eleven elderly people from five different long-stay cares in a medium big city in the south of Sweden have been interviewed. Data has been analysed according to manifest and latent qualitative content analysis. In the study the following five main categories have manifested themselves during the analysis; To face an accomplished fact, To do something for the satisfaction of others, To be dependant, To feel hopelessness, Not to be appreciated. The result shows that self determination within the long-stay cares need to be focused on, the elderly people didn’t feel as though they had any influence on their situation. It was also evident that the elderly people felt they were not appreciated in society or in the long-stay care. The general theme expressing the latent contents in the interviews turned out to be disempowerment of the elderly people, creating an environment which neither empowers nor strengthens the self determination of the individual. / <p>ISBN 91-7997-119-9</p>

Submitted by Luciana Sebin (lusebin@ufscar.br) on 2016-10-07T18:05:22Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseAIBP.pdf: 3197878 bytes, checksum: a491e6ed90dd89089b82e93115670b90 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marina Freitas (marinapf@ufscar.br) on 2016-10-13T20:32:15Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseAIBP.pdf: 3197878 bytes, checksum: a491e6ed90dd89089b82e93115670b90 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marina Freitas (marinapf@ufscar.br) on 2016-10-13T20:32:26Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseAIBP.pdf: 3197878 bytes, checksum: a491e6ed90dd89089b82e93115670b90 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-13T20:32:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseAIBP.pdf: 3197878 bytes, checksum: a491e6ed90dd89089b82e93115670b90 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-29 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / This study discusses details of a subject that has become urgent in recent times, namely school violence in their relationships with the loss of school authority. We investigated the links between disempowerment and school violence against a teacher in a primary education institution and identify their possible effects on teaching. The research sought to provide voice to the subject victimized by disempowerment and violence and to bring out important subjective aspects not be picked up by the immediate perception that prioritizes the material and objective questions. The methodological approach of the research was a mixed nature (quantitative and qualitative), based on the assumptions of Santos Filho and Gamboa (2009) and Creswel (2010). The research is delineated as exploratory, with case study format and was held in a state public high school in the city of Rio Branco (AC). Data collection was done in two stages: preliminary (documental) and main (semistructured interview and questionnaire enclosed). The subjects were 35 teachers and 106 students. Quantitative data were processed with the help of Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) and qualitative data were interpreted by the method of content analysis proposed by Bardin (2011) and Franco (2012). Among the theoretical framework that served as the basis for analyzes and interpretations performed, it highlights Arendt (2013), Adorno (2011), Adorno and Horkheimer (1985 and 1973), Michaud (2001), Delumeau (2007), Freud (1930 / 2010 1921/2011) and Esteve (1999). To indicate that these authors, the crisis of tradition and authority has cost dearly to the teacher because his office keeps a strong connection to the past, from which it takes the basics and essential knowledge to their practice. The teachers, even the most qualified, complain about facing serious problems in school today due to the weakening of their authority, as the violence of the students, the consequences of which have been fraying and the professional frustration. Many end up sick or even quitting the profession because they can not do their work and are not rewarded as they would wish. / Este estudo abordou detalhes de um tema tornado urgente nos últimos tempos, qual seja, a violência escolar em suas relações com a perda da autoridade da escola. Teve por objetivo investigar as ligações existentes entre desautorização e violência escolar contra o professor em uma instituição de educação básica e identificar seus possíveis efeitos no trabalho docente. A pesquisa procurou dar voz aos sujeitos vitimados pela desautorização e pela violência e trazer à tona aspectos subjetivos importantes não captados pela percepção imediata que prioriza as questões materiais e objetivas. A abordagem metodológica da pesquisa foi de caráter misto (quantitativa e qualitativa), com base nos pressupostos de Santos Filho e Gamboa (2009) e Creswel (2010). A pesquisa delineou-se como exploratória, com formato de estudo de caso e foi realizada em uma escola pública estadual de ensino médio da cidade de Rio Branco (AC). A coleta de dados foi feita em duas etapas: preliminar (levantamento documental) e principal (entrevista semiestruturada e questionário fechado). Os sujeitos foram 35 professores e 106 alunos. Os dados quantitativos foram processados com o auxílio do programa Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) e os dados qualitativos foram interpretados pelo método da Análise de Conteúdo proposto por Bardin (2011) e Franco (2012). Entre os referenciais teóricos que serviram de base às análises e interpretações realizadas, destacam-se Arendt (2013), Adorno (2011), Adorno e Horkheimer (1985 e 1973), Michaud (2001), Delumeau (2007), Freud (1930/2010, 1921/2011) e Esteve (1999). Ao que indicam esses autores, a crise da tradição e da autoridade tem custado muito caro ao professor, pois seu ofício guarda forte ligação com o passado, de onde tira os fundamentos e saberes essenciais a sua prática. Os professores, mesmo os mais qualificados, se queixam de enfrentar hoje sérios problemas na escola por conta do enfraquecimento de sua autoridade, como a violência dos alunos, cujas consequências têm sido o desgaste e a frustração profissional. Muitos acabam adoecendo ou mesmo desistindo da profissão por não conseguirem exercer seu trabalho e não serem recompensados como desejariam.

Saudi Arabia has been accused of sportswashing, an attempt to improve its reputation through buying the English football club Newcastle United. The purpose of this paper is to explore through a discourse analysis how Saudi Arabia's action to acquire Newcastle United can be seen as an exercise of power, and whether and how the images presented construct and reinforce orientalist discourses about the Saudi state and the region. The discourse analysis is conducted using Laclau and Mouffe's methodology and the theoretical framework applied is Joseph Nye's soft power, Edward Said's Orientalism and hegemony. Based on the international newspaper The Guardian and the human rights organization Amnesty International, orientalist discourses have been identified and the purchase of Newcastle United has resulted in soft disempowerment effects for Saudi Arabia. Local newspaper The Chronicle also constructed orientalist discourses about the state of Saudi Arabia but legitimizes the purchase of Newcastle United making the soft power exercise successful.

Qatar wants to use the 2022 FIFA World Cup as a soft power mean. They want to remove stains on their reputation via sportswashing. However, there is reason to believe that this effect might not occur in the case of Qatar, or in other words; that the tournament has a soft disempowerment effect on the state of Qatar. By doing a discourse analysis this study exams if the soft power efforts of Qatar have been successful, primarily in the Swedish context by examining how the Swedish media and Swedish FA articulates about Qatar, but also in the context of FIFA. The study also examens whether the articulations can be labeled as cases of Orientalism. The results show that in the Swedish context, both an orientalist and soft disempowerment-discourse are showing, and in the case of FIFA an orientalist discourse and a discourse which suggest that the tournament has been a good soft power resource in the eyes of FIFA occurs.

This study aims to define men’s perspective on women’s agency and entrepreneurship, and the gender changing roles within the household in Babati district, Tanzania. Women’s empowerment is a notion recently put into practice in several African states today. The notion has transpired from women’s collective ability to organize, act and demand in patriarchal societies in recent decades, resulting in their increased influential and politicized roles. This has further led to constitutional law amendments in Tanzania as well as the establishment of local microfinance institutions, promoting women’s social mobilization. The study is based on semi-structured interviews and secondary sources. The interviews include local men from Babati district, whose wives are active in organizations and/or own a business, as well as a Social Welfare Officer from Babati Development Town Council. The theoretical framework is mainly composed of literature focusing on African pre-colonial gender roles and stereotypical ideas of gender that have affected how gender roles are perceived today. The results emerged as generally positive attitudes towards women’s empowerment. Most men stated that women have ascertained a position of increased influence both within and outside the household in the past decade. However, the positive results have been interpreted through different aspects. Unemployment is discussed as a large societal issue in Babati district, and most men interviewed were unemployed, which could have affected the results and perceptions of women’s social roles. Additionally, this disempowers the traditional role of men as head of the household, also interpreted as a consequence due to women’s empowerment.

Few would deny that the Republic of South Africa (South Africa) has achieved a lot in its quest to improve the pressing social challenges (such as poverty; illiteracy; HIV/AIDS; crime prevalence; preventable diseases, and high levels unemployment). It must be firmly said that these social ills generally affect everyone – particularly the historically marginalised group in South Africa. However, there are also few who would deny that South African women (including the girl-child), as it is the case elsewhere in Africa suffer disproportionately that their male counterparts. Some have supported the view that gender discrimination is the main source of women’s disempowerment today. For instance, society has accepted consciously or otherwise that women are inferior to men and as such cannot take part both in public and private spheres of life. It is nevertheless not the object of this study to delve into to the complex and often misunderstood causes of women’s marginalisation in South Africa. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa))--University of Pretoria, 2011. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / nf2012 / Centre for Human Rights / LLM