This thesis seeks to better conceptualise how and why there is an absence of international protection for ???environmental refugees???, and to place these findings in the critical geopolitics literature. A poststructuralist framework, drawing on Foucault???s ideas of discourse, subjectivity, power and governance, was deemed most appropriate for this thesis, and provided a means of differentiation from previous literature on ???environmental refugees???. This thesis develops a genealogy of the subject category of ???environmental refugees??? since the 1970s, to better understand how the United Nations, Inter-Governmental Organisations (IGOs), Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) and the media have constructed environmental issues and refugees in texts. Fieldwork undertaken in 2004 enabled me to conduct 45 semistructured interviews with United Nations diplomats and representatives from IGOs and NGOs. Critical scrutiny of these interview texts revealed the constructions of ???environmental refugees??? as various subject identities, particularly in relation to climate change. Pacific ambassadors to the United Nations were also interviewed in 2004 to explore how they negotiated discourses on climate change and ???environmental refugees???, and attempted to articulate their concerns at the United Nations. This thesis contends that an absence of policy at the United Nations to protect ???environmental refugees??? has been produced by a combination of discursive and institutional politics. Unequal power structures at the United Nations have limited the capacity of small island states to lobby and articulate concerns, while subject categories of ???environmental refugees??? have been constructed in ways that alter the terms of debate, evade legal response, or deflect blame away from the perpetrators of environmental damage. Reasons for this policy absence have been the shifting attitudes towards environmental issues and the role of multilateral political institutions. The overall contribution of this thesis is to critical geopolitics, through its examination of the role of multilateralism, representations of environmental issues causing population displacement, and how and why policy absences are created within multilateral institutions such as the United Nations.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Michigan, 1992. / Includes bibliographical references.

This thesis examines the particular situation of displaced children both in nineteenth-century culture and as represented in the mid-nineteenth century English novel. It covers the understanding of adoption in fiction and in practice before the Act of Adoption, 1926, particularly in the period 1837-1870. In the course of its development, it identifies the particular situation of displaced children and their ideological significance in selective fiction of 1837-1870 concerned with their representation. Displaced children may be orphans, strays, destitute, legitimate or illegitimate. What makes them identifiable as a distinct category is their placement and rearing outside their biological family; a process often erroneously referred to in the novels as adoption. Such children appear not to have, hitherto, been identified as a distinct group in literature. Wide-ranging models of such fictional displacees have been selected, mostly foregrounded children with a handful of memorable minor ones. The core-text novels are, with one exception, from canonical novelists whose main output was between 1837-70. Dickens has been privileged and the others are Charlotte and Emily Bronte, George Eliot, Thackeray and the non-canonical Hesba Stretton. The approach has been new historicist insofar as materials have been assembled which might enable reconstruction of the lost sensibilities of these displaced children and their nineteenth-century readers. To this end examples of paintings, journaIs, newspaper articles, Parliamentary debate, letters, ditties and cartoons have been used to illustrate and consolidate the content of the thesis. 1 The period 1837-70 has been chosen because it opens with Victoria's accession and the start of the Dickens output. The final date, 1870, marks the death of Dickens and the passing of Forster's Elementary Education Act whose provisions, albeit slowly implemented, turned the street urchins into the new school children. The intervening years take in major works from the canonical novelists drawn on here, and a wave of writers pressing for betterment of the lot of destitute children. The role of sustainers who, in both fact and fiction, run throughout as counter-point to the displaced children is discussed. In fiction the ail-important bonding between displacee and sustainer which transforms them into a duality is emphasised because it sets the seal on what is, initially, a trial and error relationship. Similarly, the growth of reciprocity as the displacee matures is given particular attention. State and charitable sustainers such as workhouses and Coram's Foundling Hospital are examined, as are the commercial and frequently corrupt baby-farms. A key question in the thesis is whether or not it was possible to take in a destitute child as spontaneously and easily as the novelists describe, without recourse to any legal or official procedure. To this end, fictional displacees and sustainers are scrutinised to see how far what the novelists depict correlates positively with actuality as recorded by social historians. Allied to this the displaced child and its enormous potential as a novelistic perennial favourite is considered. Displacement is of crucial importance in both fact and fiction affecting, as it does, the child's sense of identity, its precarious status and the liberating opportunities it affords. A further issue is the huge difference in the understanding and practise of adoption between the nineteenth-century reader and a modem one. With the realisation that in the nineteenth century adoption was, at best, a flimsy arrangement with no legal safeguards and, at worst, open to huge abuse and irregularities, the sensibilities of the earlier reader must have been greatly affected and their concern heightened when set alongside those of a later reader. There appears to have been no recognition of this difference in such a relationship in literary criticism to date.

Le traité de Lisbonne a mis en place un nouveau cadre juridique permettant une meilleure prise en compte des déplacés de l’environnement, un sujet débattu de façon croissante au sein de l’UE. Cependant, bien que l’UE agisse déjà en leur faveur dans le cadre de diverses politiques externes, il n’existe pas de protection spécifique en droit de l’UE pour ce nouveau type de migrants. Leur appréhension juridique requiert leur catégorisation.Cette recherche démontre que, du point de vue juridique, les déplacés de l’environnement ne réunissent pas les critères nécessaires à l’élaboration d’une nouvelle catégorie de « personnes à protéger » dans la politique d’asile de l’UE sur la base du critère du préjudice environnemental. Leur manque d’autonomie conceptuelle et leur hétérogénéité contrarie leur identification et leur qualification et s’opposent à une approche unitaire. En outre, un système complémentaire de protection ne peut être créé au vu du maintien présumé de la protection interne et de l’absence d’un droit de l’homme à l’environnement. Enfin, le concours transversal de compétences de l’UE dilue l’impératif de protection internationale. Par conséquent, les possibilités d’intégration dans des catégories existantes de ressortissants d’États tiers en droit de l’UE, telles que les bénéficiaires des protections subsidiaire et temporaire ou la future catégorie de travailleurs migrants saisonniers, sont examinées. Ce faisant, les modes de construction des catégories de ressortissants d’Etats tiers en droit de l’UE sont mis en lumière.Une analyse de la protection consulaire des citoyens européens affectés par des catastrophes naturelles hors du territoire est aussi incluse. / The Lisbon Treaty has put in place a new legal framework which allows environmental displacement, an issue of growing concern for the EU, to be better addressed. However, even though several external policies already support them, to date there is no specific EU framework for the protection of this new kind of migrant. The categorisation of such persons is necessary for determining the legal consequences. The present research demonstrates that, from a legal point of view, environmentally-displaced persons do not meet the requirements to constitute a new category of “persons in need of protection” within EU asylum policy, on the basis of the criterion of environmental prejudice. The lack of conceptual autonomy and the heterogeneity of environmentally-displaced persons create identification and qualification problems, and thus oppose a unitary approach. Furthermore, a complementary system of protection cannot be created given the presumed continuation of internal protection and the lack of a human right to environment. Additionally, the existence of multiple relevant EU competences attenuates the need for international protection. Therefore, the integration of these persons into existing categories, such as the beneficiaries of temporary or subsidiary protection, and the future category of seasonal migrant workers, is suggested. As a result, the category definition of third country nationals in EU law is brought to the fore.Finally, this research includes an examination of the relevance of consular protection for EU citizens affected by natural catastrophes outside EU territory.

My dissertation demonstrates how housewives manipulated and redefined the image and identity of the housewife in the U.S. during the second half of the twentieth century. From the eras of June Cleaver to Gloria Steinem and Phyllis Schlafly, women invoked motherhood and domesticity for both progressive and traditionalist ends. They did so amid shifting expectations of homemakers. In the decades following World War II, the legalization of contraceptives and abortion transformed understandings of the connections among womanhood, marriage, and maternity; legislation offered limited opportunities for women to acquire education and participate in new sectors of the workforce; and the decline of the family wage and the introduction of no-fault divorce increasingly curbed men's and women's ability to keep mother at home. Whereas in 1962 more than fifty-five percent of women aged twenty-five to fifty-four were engaged in full-time homemaking, by 1985 housewives made up just over twenty-six percent of the same population. Amid this change, the word housewife served as a lingua franca in the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s that helped people to organize under the banner of domesticity. The arbiters defining the American housewife included not only members of the conservative Silent Majority, but also members of the feminist National Organization for Women (NOW); not only white television stars like Donna Reed who spearheaded protest against the Vietnam War by the group Another Mother for Peace, but also African American and Catholic and Jewish women working together to promote cross-racial understanding; not only women who earned wages outside of the home, but also non-wage-earning househusbands. I investigate how women's groups in the 1960s and early 1970s turned the dismissals that frequently accompanied the phrase "just a housewife" into an asset. Some groups deployed the housewife as the antithesis of the expert: Housewives' opinions about racism could be trusted as an authentic voice of the people because they did not rely on statistics calculated to fit into theories or models. Others relied on biologically determinist arguments: Motherhood made housewives into specialized experts on specific topics such as peace. Domesticity generally made these women less politically threatening and so better able to enact their agendas. While these housewife activists certainly grew and benefitted from their participation in these groups, the main purpose of their work was never to aid housewives exclusively. Beginning in the mid-1970s, women finally capitalized on the authority of the housewife image to improve the lives of homemakers. The efforts of housewife groups in the 1970s and early 1980s who opposed and supported the proposed Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) to the U.S. Constitution underscores the flexible definition of "housewife." While they initially organized to lend the authority of the housewife name to a particular cause, these groups ultimately became political organizations that represented and mobilized housewives as a constituency. Despite many differences, traditionalists and feminists could find common ground in recognizing the problems homemakers faced. Both were troubled by the realities of second shifts in which women juggled wage-earning and family obligations. They were concerned by the feminization of poverty, especially among older women. Whereas many traditionalists advocated a performed femininity meant to produce starkly gendered male protector-breadwinner and female dependent-homemaker roles, feminists looked to legislative and social equality solutions to provide both men and women the opportunity to succeed at home and at work. Yet some traditionalists united with feminists to critique the vulnerabilities of displaced homemakers - women who had engaged in years of unwaged homemaking only to be displaced from their vocations by widowhood or divorce. These women drew on previous experience in maternalist, racial equality, and anti-poverty movements. They sought solutions that included transferring the skills of homemaking into well-paid jobs in traditionally-male fields. They accomplished this by simultaneously praising the work of homemaking even as they criticized homemaking as a vocation that put women in a vulnerable economic position. The formation of a movement by and for homemakers crystallized, however, at the same time as the erosion of housewife as a crucial identity for women. Finally, I analyze the extent to which gender is caught up in the potentials and limitations of the housewife role by tracing the ways that Americans have envisioned the housewife as male. So long as the male homemaker was cast as exotic, role models and new precedents could be transformed into freak shows and warnings. Men who made the unusual choice to take on the role of family homemaker were further marginalized. Despite a sometimes overt emphasis on men's domesticity as a means of achieving social equality, the real efforts and the imagined experiences of the male housewife often ran counter to feminist goals. Varying from farcical to feminist, the successes and failures of these visions of male homemaking demonstrate the extent to which domesticity, economic dependency, and gender have been entangled in the American imagination. My dissertation underscores how women (and some men) adopted flexible definitions of homemaking to create complicated and sometimes fleeting alliances through which housewives organized. My research complicates the dichotomous stereotypes of the feminist and the antifeminist by exploring how both progressive and traditionalist women organized as housewives. Although my project considers media and pop culture, I rely primarily on archival research and published primary sources to examine the way that women claiming to be homemakers and mothers actively manipulated cultural understandings of those roles. The definitions they employed demonstrate how perceptions of homemaking are laden with multiple and complex meanings about sex, gender, class, race, citizenship, labor, religion, and identity.

The aim of the study was to explore the experiences of displaced women living in the Osire refugee camp in Namibia about their health care needs, and to develop health care guidelines that will help to address the identified health care needs of displaced women. A descriptive phenomenological study was used, using face-to-face interviews with participants in response to one question. The following question was asked: What are the health care needs of displaced women living in Osire refugee camp and how should they be addressed? Ten women were interviewed. Their ages ranged between 18 and 58 years. The duration of displacement was longer than 6 months. Interviews were conducted in Osire Refugee Camp in Namibia. Displaced women were invited to participate in the study on a voluntary basis. The interviews were tape recorded and transcribed verbatim. During the analysis the essence substantiated by the constituents of their experiences regarding their health care needs were identified. The findings of the health care needs of displaced women living in Osire refugee camp reflect that they have a need for restoration of hope and human dignity. A thorough literature review was done and the constituents were re-phrased to form guidelines on how to address the health care needs of displaced women. The guidelines were refined through a Delphi study. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2014. / tm2015 / Nursing Science / PhD / Unrestricted

@font-face { font-family: "Cambria Math"; }@font-face { font-family: "Cambria"; }@font-face { font-family: "MS Mincho"; }p.MsoNormal, li.MsoNormal, div.MsoNormal { margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; font-size: 12pt; font-family: Cambria; }p.MsoFootnoteText, li.MsoFootnoteText, div.MsoFootnoteText { margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; font-size: 12pt; font-family: Cambria; }span.MsoFootnoteReference { vertical-align: super; }span.FootnoteTextChar { }span.citationtext { }.MsoChpDefault { font-size: 10pt; font-family: Cambria; }div.WordSection1 { } Over the past fifty years, civil war has held a relentless grip on Colombia. Aside from the staggering numbers of casualties that have resulted, millions have been internally displaced and unwilling to return home. Many are fleeing from forced military recruitment of youths, sexual violence, kidnapping and murder. After Syria, Colombia has one of the highest populations of Internally Displaced People (IDP): 5,841,040, as of December 2015. It is unknown how many more refugees are not officially registered[1]. The majority of the IDP population migrates from rural villages and towns to large cities, such as Bogotá and Medellín, where there are opportunities for safety, income and improvised shelter.[2] Referencing existing models for Colombian housing and shelter for IDPs and street kids, this research examines the needs of the displaced population and creates a set of criteria for a long-term, integrative housing solution. This thesis focuses on internally displaced youths and women in the Southern-Pacific region of Colombia, as they make up the largest portion of registered IDPs and refugees in Colombia.[3] The goal of the project is to design the user’s progression through a system of increasingly supportive levels: “Entrance to the shelter,” “Full-time residence,” “Reintegration to society.” The site and program encourage commensalism, or relationship where one part benefits from the other without causing harm, with the surrounding community. This thesis also references studies of community-based design, low-cost and sustainable housing, transitional shelters, and homeless communities. [1] "Colombia." UNHCR News. N.p., n.d. Web. 21 Apr. 2016. . [2] Ibid. [3] Ibid.

No description available.

The economic changes that have occurred in this country over the course of this past decade have had a grave impact on manufacturing workers, which has forced many of these workers to transition into new career fields. As workers are faced with having to start new career paths, the community college has served as a hub of information and a source of inspiration to begin new careers. Through programs such as the federal Trade Adjustment Assistance (TAA) program, these dislocated workers are able to acquire a new skill or trade. A qualitative study will investigate how dislocated workers make a successful transition from community college to a new career field. An examination will also be conducted, observing the positive transition that these workers have experienced since becoming unemployed. Due to the closures of manufacturing facilities, there are thousands of people who are now considered to be dislocated. Advances in technology and global trading have been the culprits in this shifting of the workforce; due to this, there has been an economic downturn in the areas affected by these plant closures. The federal and state governments have allocated resources to ensure that the dislocated workforce is retrained and educated through local community colleges in order to diversify and upgrade the workforce. The Trade Readjustment Act (TRA), which is a federal law that allows for displaced workers to be retrained are processed through job centers, which assists those workers who are unemployed through no fault of their own. The basic qualifications for unemployment benefits are to be unemployed through no fault of one’s own and to be able and available for work. The aforementioned qualifications are suited to those individuals who have had the unfortunate experience of being laid off from a manufacturing plant. The local job center offices work closely with other state agencies and local community colleges. Community colleges act as a vehicle for the training, and the job center’s objective is to then assist the worker, not only with its benefits and other programs, but also to assist the worker in becoming reemployed once they have been successfully retrained.

Widowhood is an experience that typically brings about many changes in the lives of surviving spouses, and the resources available for coping may be limited, particularly for elderly persons. Specific variables which influence the ability of men and women to cope with the changes brought about by widowhood have not been identified completely. No one has examined the extent to which widowed persons are able to manage resources so they can continue performing personal and household functions. It is reasonable to assume that this type of continuity is a necessary foundation for overall adjustment to widowhood. Empirical data used in this study are from a larger project entitled "Continuity of Household Task Performance During Widowhood", supported by the AARP-Andrus Foundation. The Household Task Performance model was applied to examine gender differences in household task performance before and during widowhood and variables associated with strategy choice for maintenance of continuity of household task performance during widowhood. Respondents to the personal interviews were 173 household heads (38 males and 135 females), aged 60 to 91 years, who had been widowed 5 years or less and lived in Southwest Virginia. Respondents were located using public records and personal referrals. Widowers received more help than widows. Widowers widowed for longer time periods assumed personal responsibility for fewer tasks than their more recently widowed counterparts. Women widowed for shorter periods performed more of their own tasks than women widowed for a longer time. Both widows and widowers were maintaining continuity despite the generally lower skill level in household tasks for males Two strategies for maintaining this continuity were identified: (1) use and/or development of the widowed person's own resources, and (2) substitution of the labor of others for the performance of household tasks. Multiple regression analysis identified 5 predictors of household task performance strategy choice: health status, household task performance resources and resource demands, household task performance skills and knowledge, normative expectations for gender role, and initial adjustment difficulty. / Ph. D.