It is widely acknowledged that the phenomenon of prophecy was not restricted only to ancient Israel, but is well attested throughout the ancient Near East, not least but in the textual material retrieved from the Mesopotamian capitals of Mari and Nineveh. A number of recent studies have utilized these sources to discuss the literary history and rhetorical content of Hebrew prophecy. The following thesis differs from these by undertaking to examine and compare the institution of prophecy as it occurs in the Mari, Neo-Assyrian, and Hebrew sources. -Prophecy‖ is considered to be a mode of non-inductive divination, separate from dreams, that, ideally, is denoted by the active intermediation of allegedly divine messages to a human audience. Thus, texts that record the direct speech of a deity and are communicated to an audience by a human intermediary-without recourse to dreams or technical divination-may potentially reflect prophecy in the Mari and Neo-Assyrian sources. Along with a selection of preexilic Hebrew oracular sources, the image of prophecy in all three corpora is independently examined along seven lines: Prompting Prophecy, Prophets, Prophetic Deities, Venues, Means of Delivery, Content of Oracles, and the Responses to Prophecy. Observations gleaned from this analysis are then compared and contrasted with one another to derive a more nuanced understanding of the phenomenon of prophecy in each source. Among other conclusions, it is observed that it is insufficient to simply silhouette Hebrew prophecy against its Mesopotamian counterparts, as if the images of prophecy in Mari and Neo-Assyrian sources themselves represent indistinguishable phenomena. Indeed, despite considerable overlap, they are not completely consistent. This result, it is argued, places in context some of the more glaring discrepancies between these sources and the image of prophecy in the Hebrew sources.

La nécromancie témoigne d'une croyance des Anciens au pouvoir de consulter les morts et d'obtenir des prophéties. À défaut d'une science moderne empirique et développée, tous les moyens magiques et divinatoires étaient envisageables pour influencer le cours du Destin. Elle était pratiquée dans le monde grec, et certains, tant des Anciens que des auteurs modernes, lui ont prêté une origine orientale. La Mésopotamie, l'Empire perse et l'Égypte étaient, en effet, des lieux où les arts de la magie et de la divination étaient bien développés, et ce, depuis une époque très ancienne. Il semble que la pratique de la nécromancie a pris plusieurs formes à travers les différentes périodes de la Grèce antique. À l'époque archaïque, les morts étaient consultés dans des lieux caverneux, alors qu'à l'époque classique, des spécialistes des morts connaissant des rituels émergèrent dans les cités-États en plein développement. Puis, à l'époque hellénistique, caractérisée par l'ouverture des contacts entre populations grecque et orientales, jusqu'à l'avènement du monde romain, une diversité de nouvelles techniques firent leur apparition chez les Grecs. L'utilisation de crânes, de lampes, de vaisselles, ou encore la réanimation de cadavre sont des méthodes qui semblent avoir été acquises des peuples de l'Orient au cours de cette période. Toutefois, aucune source ne permet de croire que la nécromancie grecque ait une origine orientale. Elle s'est développée dans le monde grec par des conceptions originales et circonstancielles, ne subissant des influences qu'à une époque plus tardive. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Nécromancie, Grèce, Orient, Divination, Magie

No description available.

Zugl.: Basel, Univ., Diss., 2001

Thesis (M.A. (Psychology))--Rhodes University, 2005. / A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Clinical Psychology.

Orientador: Paulo Sérgio de Vasconcellos / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-16T11:02:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Gratti_BeatrisRibeiro_M.pdf: 1472670 bytes, checksum: a16ab66b9506788fef88c100b353b248 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / Resumo: A obra De Divinatione, de Marco Túlio Cícero, é a principal obra da Antigüidade que nos chegou a respeito da adivinhação. A prática divinatória visava o contato entre homens e deuses para se conhecer a vontade divina e era tão importante que era considerada parte da religião oficial de Roma. Cícero compôs a obra num período de crises e transformações na religiosidade romana, provocadas pela influência da filosofia helenística e das idéias céticas e pela crescente superstição em meio ao seu povo. A obra é formulada em forma de diálogo, dividido em dois livros, em que no primeiro livro é apresentada a defesa da adivinhação e no segundo livro, um discurso contra a adivinhação. A pesquisa que realizamos dividiu-se em quatro etapas: revisão da tradução, realizada na Iniciação Científica, do primeiro livro da obra; tradução do segundo livro; elaboração de notas explicativas; estudo introdutório acerca da prática da adivinhação Antiguidade e da posição de Cícero a respeito do tema / Abstract: Cicero's On Divination is the main work from antiquity on the subject of divination. The practice aimed at the contact between men and gods to know the divine will and it was so important that it was considered part of the official religion of Rome. Cicero composed the work over a period of crisis and change in Roman religion, caused by the influence of Hellenistic philosophy and skeptical ideas and the growing superstition in the midst of his people. The work is formulated in the form of a dialogue, divided in two books: the first book is presented to the defense of divination and the second book, a speech against divination. The research was divided in four phases: review of the translation of the first book of the work, done in the Scientific Initiation; translation of the second book; compilation of notes; introductory study about the ancient practice of divination and Cicero's position on the subject / Mestrado / Linguistica

No description available.

Titre de l'écran-titre (visionné le 28 mars 2024) / Ce mémoire est une étude de l'*Anabase* à la lumière des *Mémorables*. En effet, à partir de l'analyse de ces deux œuvres de Xénophon, nous montrons l'influence qu'a eue Socrate sur son élève en matière de divination en contexte d'aporie. En fait, la divination en tant que moyen de communication avec les dieux est présentée par l'auteur grec comme une méthode pour trouver une voie de sortie de l'aporie. Concrètement, en étudiant l'*Anabase* à la lumière de ce qu'enseigne Socrate sur les dieux dans les *Mémorables*, ce mémoire propose de lire l'*Anabase* comme un témoignage de Xénophon du fait qu'il n'avait pas bien compris l'importance des enseignements de son maître. En fait, en identifiant dans l'*Anabase* l'erreur initiale de Xénophon en matière de divination, il apparait qu'à travers le récit du retour des Dix-Mille la place qu'occupe les dieux change dans la narration. Ainsi, en comparant et en analysant les différents moments où Xénophon consulte les dieux par des sacrifices, nous pensons pouvoir montrer que l'expédition des Dix-Mille a été pour lui l'occasion d'une prise de conscience philosophique qui tire son origine des enseignements de son maître. Finalement, en étudiant les différents contextes d'aporie auquel son personnage est confronté dans l'*Anabase*, nous pensons arriver à mettre en lumière quelle est la place qu'occupe d'après lui les dieux dans l'action humaine. / This thesis is a study of the *Anabasis* in the light of the *Memorabilia*. Indeed, through the analysis of these two works by Xenophon, we explore the influence that Socrate had on his disciple regarding divination in context of aporia. In fact, divination as a means of communication with the gods is presented by the Greek author as a method to find a way out of the aporia. More specifically, by studying the *Anabasis* in the light of Socrates' teachings in the *Memorabilia*, this thesis proposes to read the *Anabasis* as Xenophon's testimony that he had not fully understood the importance of his master's teachings. In fact, by identifying in the *Anabasis* Xenophon's initial error in divination, it appears that through the return of the Ten Thousand, the place occupied by the gods changes in the narration. Thus, by comparing and analysing the different moments when Xenophon consults the gods through sacrifices, we are confident that we can present how the expedition of the Ten Thousand was an opportunity for him to live a philosophical awakening rooted in his master's teachings. Finally, by studying the different contexts of aporia to which Xenophon is confronted in the *Anabasis*, we aim to put to light the place that, according to him, is occupied by the gods in the human actions.

本論文的撰寫基於一個前設：緯書之出現，本非為釋經而生；並以此為基礎，析論經、緯關係，及其衍生之政治相關議題。傳統見解中，認為緯書的出現乃經學之附生產品，緯書的內容，係為釋經、而附以其政治任務而生。本文並無意挑戰緯書乃政治鬥爭產物之觀點，只是要說緯書乃因釋經而生，則不符西漢的儒學發展演變。 / 儒學世界中，真正為經學附庸者，乃章句而非緯學。任何事物的出現，必然有其偶然與必然性，撇除難以探討的偶然性問題，若說緯學乃出自釋經所需，則其將缺乏形成的必然性；因為自宣帝、元帝間始，儒學各經派對自身經書的章句之學已進入高速發展期，以萬字釋一言乃師法之內的家常之事，緯學若然是釋經之作，則其出現實屬多餘。 / 本文認為，緯學係作為博士經學、古學以外出現的第三道政治學術主流。經學上的博士經學體系，雖然系出董仲舒，難免沾染災異之說，但五經之中，除了後成的《禮記》，大體上仍然保持其「純潔」，緯學的出現，乃為對政治混局預占之所需，配合董氏以來齊學的災異傳統而發展起來的獨立學派，此即張禹口中的「新學」。必須重新評估新學的獨立性，方能掌握白虎觀後，緯學、博士經學、古學三川並流的學術「定局」。 / 所以，本文將主要分為兩大部分，第一部分包含第一及第二章，主要探討形成博士經學體系、古學體系與緯學體系的學術歷史環境；因為經學史的演進部分，研究已汗牛充棟，本文集中討論的是形成這個政治學術環境的背境因素。 / 第二部分包含第三及第四章，主要探討緯學在兩漢之際的儒學體系中的角色。東漢中前期形成三學並立的局面，源起成帝對新學的提拔，此新學本文稱為成哀新學，其除對齊學傳統的災異之說有所繼承外，更係對西漢一代可資運用的「一切資源」加以包納，形成一個「百科全書」式的學派綱目。基於王莽與劉秀對新學的「神化」，令其成為「儒教」在兩漢之際實踐神道設教的核心，地位更凌駕於博士經系之上。本部分即對此現象之形成加以綜述。 / 簡單而言，本文將視「博士經學」「古學經學」「緯學」為漢代儒學中的三個重要組成部分，而儒學思想，則作為三者溝通、乃至相互影響的橋樑；不過，此橋樑本身，亦係三者之體系形成過程中，方始形成的觀念；換言之，本文旨在透過理解此體系之形成，以釐清漢代儒學發展中的部分關鍵。 / To exmaine the development of Ru learning in early Han Dynasty through the study of its formation process has so far received relatively less attention, as scholars mostly took it for granted that Ru classics were mostly formed during the Warring States. However, the Ru classics as we know today had simply not yet been compiled in early Han, but fragmented pieces of allegedly writings of ancient authors, with ample rooms for further and necessary intreptation. In other words, without the deconstruction, and reconstruction, of the Han Confucians, the concept of Classics (jing) would only remain empty. This thesis, thus, would focus on how and why Ru classics were constructed. / The first chapter provides a brief history on the formation and changes of the Five Classics, together with an introduction of the background of the Han intellectual world at its very beginning; as well as an analysis of the ways that the Central government and different localities interacted in order to facilitate the initial stage of Han Ru development. / The second chapter will study the formative years of Ru participation in Han politics, and suggest that it started as early as Wendi 文帝while it was traditionally thought to be the great achievement of Wudi 武帝. The chapter will demonstrate how Wendi and Jingdi 景帝struggled to promote Ru learnings during their rules. And thus the chapter would lead to the conclusion that Wudi’s policy of exclusive promotion of Ru was nothing more than the legacy of his father and grandfather. Nevertheless, this chapter will make a further inquiry into this formative period through the study of New Book 賈誼《新書》to illustrate its characterisitcs. Following that, a section on the “Qi tradition齊學of Han Ru will be introduced and its unique and important role in the Ru system will be emphasized by examining the development of Dong Zhongshu 董仲舒 and his works on the Gongyang traditions 公羊學. The chapter concludes the formative era by discussing the book of Yantieyuan《鹽鐵論》 to show that the basic ideas and structure of the Ru system was a quasi-established one immediately after the ruling years of Wudi. Core principles made up by the majority faction in Qixue will rule in the names of Jing 經, Chang 常 and suppress principles of Quan 權, Bian 變 found in Wudi’s rules. / The third chapter, instead of focusing on the ideological and intellectual changes, deals with how real-politik exerted its great influence on the stabilizing period. The once forgotten Quan-Bian faction rose again during this late Western-Han period as a result of fierece political struggles among different parties alongside with the ideological disuptues between the Jinwen and Guwen schools. The chapter will try to foster a new concept under the term of Cheng-Ai Neoism to illustrate the uprising of the studies of Chen Prophecy and Apocrypha as a result of Qixue traditions and political turmoil. / The last chapter will supplement the previous chapters by introducing the origins of Apocrypha and how its development affected the construction and development of Ru Classics and how it was applied in real-politik. The chapter would also like to argue that without Apocrypha, the so-called Ru system would not be a matured one through the studies of Bangu’s Baihu-tongyi. And the chapter would conclude the thesis by stating that with the matured development in both Classics and Apocrypha, the systematic construction of Han Ru system was finally established as a result. / To conclude, this thesis aims to examine different stages of development that finally led to the formation of Han Ru system which affected the intellectual and political development of Han and post-Han dynasties. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 趙鍾維. / "2013年7月". / "2013 nian 7 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 204-215). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Zhao Zhongwei. / Chapter 緒論： --- 前人研究與討論空間 --- p.V / Chapter 壹、 --- 總論：秦火之後的齊學世界 --- p.1 / Chapter 1. --- 先秦無經學 --- p.1 / Chapter 2. --- 經學觀念形成於漢武帝朝 --- p.2 / Chapter 3. --- 由殘簡至經學 --- p.9 / Chapter 4. --- 先秦下層思想於漢初的「逆向上流」 --- p.41 / Chapter 5. --- 地方與中央構建 --- p.49 / Chapter 貳、 --- 中央政治與齊經學構建 --- p.58 / Chapter 1. --- 漢初用儒 --- p.58 / Chapter 2. --- 漢武尊儒 --- p.76 / Chapter 3. --- 鹽鐵會議 --- p.100 / Chapter 參、 --- 齊儒治世與成哀新學 --- p.112 / Chapter 1. --- 甘露論儒 --- p.112 / Chapter 2. --- 漢季禮爭：博士經與王氏始交 --- p.116 / Chapter 3. --- 河平校書 --- p.120 / Chapter 4. --- 移書讓太常博士 --- p.124 / Chapter 5. --- 成哀新學 --- p.126 / Chapter 6. --- 王莽與漢晚儒學 --- p.128 / Chapter 肆、 --- 讖緯體系 --- p.130 / Chapter 1. --- 緯學體系 --- p.130 / Chapter 2. --- 緯學發展簡論 --- p.151 / Chapter 3. --- 讖緯干政 --- p.158 / Chapter 4. --- 讖緯干經 --- p.182 / Chapter 5. --- 經緯平議 --- p.185 / Chapter 6. --- 白虎通論 --- p.195 / Chapter 伍、 --- 結論 --- p.202 / p.204

Fondée sur la polysémie du terme latin uates, notre thèse se propose d’étudier les rapports entre poésie et prophétie dans la Pharsale de Lucain. Depuis l’Antiquité, le prophète est à la fois celui qui annonce l’avenir et celui qui parle au nom d’un tiers, souvent d’un dieu. D’abord, nous proposons une typologie des figures de prophètes dans la Pharsale en les comparant avec les prophètes de la tradition littéraire, en particulier issue de l’épopée et de la tragédie. Trois types de prophètes apparaissent chez Lucain : les prophètes omniscients, les prophètes utilisant une discipline divinatoire (astrologie, haruspicine, enthousiasme…) et les prophètes doués d’une inspiration infernale. Ensuite, la parole prophétique des personnages est comparée à celle, oraculaire, du narrateur épique. Nous proposons une étude des prolepses narratives de l’épopée en lien avec l’histoire de Rome, et en particulier avec l’histoire des guerres civiles. Ainsi, Lucain construit une vision cyclique de l’histoire. Après avoir défini la matière prophétique dans la parole du narrateur, nous analysons son style prophétique du point du vue narratologique et stylistique. Enfin, nous passons d’une poétique à une métapoétique de la prophétie chez Lucain. En effet, les personnages de prophètes constituent des mandataires du poète dont ils sont les porte-voix, au sens étymologique de prophète. Les prophètes lucaniens sont donc chargés de délivrer un Art poétique, conformément à la vision du monde de l’auteur. Cette dernière se traduit par une esthétique de la rupture qui s’applique au macrocosme céleste, au microcosme organique et à l’hexamètre épique. / Starting from the double meaning of the latin word uates, this study aims to define the links between poetry and prophecy in Lucan’s Pharsalia. Since Antiquity indeed, the prophet has been both a soothsayer and a person speaking for somebody else, especially for a god. First, we build a typology of the prophetic figures in the Pharsalia and we compare them with literary characters from epic and tragedy. Lucan conjures three kinds of prophets : omniscient ones, prophets who use divinatory technics (e.g. astrology, haruspicy, enthusiasm) and those whose inspiration comes from the Underworld. We then look at the prophetic speeches delivered by the characters against the oracular voice of the epic narrator. We study narrative prolepses of the epic that anticipate Roman history (especially the history of the Civil Wars), and through which Lucan offers a cyclical vision of history. After defining the prophetic matter of the narrative voice, we analyse Lucan’s prophetic manner from a narratological and a stylistic perspective. Lastly, we switch from a poetic definition of prophetic voices in the Pharsalia to a metapoetic study. The prophet characters indeed serve as surrogates of the poet and literally utter his voice, thus referring to the etymology of the word. The role of Lucan’s prophets is therefore to formulate an Ars poetica, in accordance with the poet’s Weltanschauung – a vision articulated by an aesthetics of disruption which encapsulates the celestial macrocosm, the organic microcosm and the epic hexameter.