Among the Roman foundations in modern Catalonia was the colonia of Barcino, which, unlike several of its neighbours, had no local native predecessor. The growth of these cities was slow, and an air of mediocrity shrouds them all, save Tarraco. With the decline of nearby communities in the third century, the significance of Barcino increased. New defences and economic activity, supplemented by the presence of civil and ecclesiastical powers in the Visigothic period, ensured the survival of urban life, although a tendency to contraction around the religious centre is apparent in the topography of the 6th. century, marking the beginning of the transition to the medieval plan. In the following centuries the fortress function was foremost: only from the mid tenth century can changes be detected, with the appearance of suburbs and a 'Port'. Braked by Almansur's raid, the impetus of growth was soon recovered. The development of the city during the succeeding two centuries can be traced from nearly a thousand documents, mainly unpublished. In this period, Barcelona's population increased ten-fold, with corresponding alterations to the townscape, while details of topography which have survived until the present day were often determined in this period. Three main zones are detectable: the adapted pattern of Antiquity within the defences, the spontaneous growth of the inner suburbs, while those of c.1080 onwards contain elements of planning. By 1200, open land, once commonplace, had disappeared and the medieval city of narrow streets and tightly packed houses had been formed. The reasons behind this growth are diverse. Historical circumstances and the precedents of the Visigothic period played some part. Equally significant were the decline of Barcelona's neighbours and the maintained agricultural strength of its plain. Finally, Barcelona formed a focal point not only for this territorium, and a wider hinterland, but also for the emergent Catalonia.

This thesis explores the scantly studied Spanish anarchist exile that followed the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) and lasted until Francisco Franco’s death and, arguably, beyond. So far, Spanish anarchist exile has occupied a marginal research space under the wider label of “Republican exile”. Within this marginalized exile, I have chosen to address a specific issue: the voluntary return of former anarchist exiles to a dictatorship. The research is built around the controversial case study of a former anarchist Minister, Juan López Sánchez. The thesis tries to discover how, after a period of exile consisting of a short stay in Toulouse, followed by almost 15 years in England and 14 in Mexico, this former Minister constructed a discourse that justified his return to Spain at the age of 66, and the reasons why he collaborated with the Francoist Sindicato Vertical [Vertical Union]. The research attempts to extrapolate from the problems affecting a specific person (Juan López Sánchez) in a particular historical moment (1939-1975) to gain a broader understanding of the experience of returning Spanish exiles and refugees. The theorizing thus goes to a certain extent from the general to the particular. Methodologically, the study is developed based on an interdisciplinary vision. It draws on qualitative methodology to analyse the intellectual output of Juan López Sánchez and his contribution to newspaper publications in exile, which will help us understand the experience of exile and broader human dimension of the former Minister. At the heart of this data lies a corpus of 630 letters that the Minister sent and received between 1939 and 1971. Through the study of this correspondence, which has hitherto remained unexamined, Juan López Sánchez held a rich and insightful dialogue with 73 leading republican figures inside and outside of Spain, providing invaluable insights into the exile and return from both a personal and political perspective. The findings of the thesis hope to contribute to the historiographical, theoretical, cultural and humanistic gaps surrounding the work and memory not only of Juan López Sánchez, but also of many other intellectuals who attempted to reintegrate into Spanish society during the Franco regime, a subject which has so far been generally rejected as a field of study by the academic establishment.

The use of dynamic positioning (DP) systems onboard vessels today is spreading to non offshore related areas such as heavy lift carriers, luxury yachts and cruise liners etc. As this technology spreads, the demand for skilled DP personnel should increase. In order to get certified, the training scheme for DP operators (DPOs) ends with 180 days of supervised DP watchkeeping experience offshore. A way to reduce the required 180 days is to attend a DP seatime reduction course. The aim of this study was to get the DP industry’s view on seatime reduction courses and also explore if there a need for speed to get certified DPOs on the market. Parties included were the Nautical Institute, International Marine Contractors Association (IMCA), one oil company, six offshore shipping companies, accredited DP centres and DPOs across the world. The results showed that although the participants in this study are aware of seatime reduction courses few companies use them regularly, but those who do express satisfaction. The DP industry’s view on seatime reduction courses is positive, however somewhat unclear. Many feel simulator courses in general are good since they can give operators experiences that will take years to achieve onboard. If they should replace seatime gained offshore was doubtful. However, the study showed that seatime reduction courses are needed, especially for trainees working onboard vessels that only occasionally use DP. It has also been recognized that trainee DPOs have a hard time obtaining the required seatime in order to apply for their DPO certificate. This indicates that even though shipping companies in this study do employ trainees, this is not done to the necessary extent. There was also expressed a certain desire to improve the DP training scheme of today in order to achieve a higher quality among DPOs. The study shows there is a need for speed to get more DPOs on the market, but not to the detriment of quality. It is advised that studies are made on DP training quality, given the importance to maintain and even raise the level of competency among DPOs. / System för dynamisk positionering (DP) ombord på fartyg sprider sig idag även till icke offshore relaterade områden såsom heavy-lift-fartyg, lyxyachter och kryssningsfartyg. I takt med att teknologin sprider sig, borde även efterfrågan på utbildad DP-personal öka. För att bli certifierad DP-operatör avslutas utbildningsprogrammet med 180 dagars handledd DP-tid som vakthavande befäl till sjöss. Ett sätt att minska de 180 dagarna är att gå en sjötidsreducerande kurs. Målet med den här undersökningen var att få DP–industrins syn på sjötidsreducerande kurser och även undersöka om det finns behov att snabba på processen att få ut certifierade DP-operatörer på marknaden. Deltagare i studien var Nautical Institute, International Marine Contractors Association (IMCA), ett oljebolag, sex offshorerederier, ackrediterade DP-center och DP-operatörer från hela världen. Resultatet visade att trots att studiens deltagare känner till sjötidsreducerande kurser så är det få företag som använder sig av dessa. De få som använder sig av kurserna tycker sig vara nöjda. DP-industrins syn på sjötidsreducerande kurser är positiva men dock oklar. Många känner generellt att simulatorkurser är bra eftersom de kan ge operatörer erfarenheter som annars kan ta år att uppnå. Om de ska ersätta sjötid var mer tveksamt. Dock visar studien att sjötidsreducerande kurser behövs, speciellt för trainees som arbetar på fartyg som bara emellanåt ligger på DP. Det har också framkommit att DP-trainees har svårt att få ihop sin sjötid som krävs för certifiering. Även om rederierna som deltog i denna studien anställer DP-trainees och erbjuder sjötid, så görs inte detta i tillräcklig omfattning. Det framfördes även en önskan om att förbättra dagens utbildningsprogram inom DP för att uppnå en högre kvalitet hos DP-operatörer. Studien visar att det finns ett behov av att snabba på processen att få ut DP-operatörer på marknaden, dock inte på bekostnad av kvaliteten. Det rekommenderas att studier av utbildningsprogrammets kvalitet görs, för att bibehålla och kanske även höja kompetensnivån hos DP-operatörer.

Michif is a mixed language spoken in Manitoba, Saskatchewan, and North Dakota in which the majority of the noun phrase is derived from French and the verb phrase is derived from Cree. This thesis provides an analysis of the structure of the determiner phrase (DP) in Michif, based on data from The Michif dictionary: Turtle Mountain Chippewa Cree, by Patline Laverdure and Ida Rose Allard (1983). Even though the majority of the DP is French, Cree contributes demonstratives and quantifiers. This thesis examines the use of articles, quantifiers and discontinuous constituents(where part of the DP appears to the left of the verb and the remainder is on the right). The syntax of the Michif DP is mixed, which two syntaxes at work in which the French-derived DP is embedded within the Cree-derived DP.

While much has been written about British support for Republican Spain during the Spanish Civil War, this thesis offers a novel framework through which to consider this topic. It explores the popular humanitarian response to ‘Spain’ within the context of Britain’s bourgeoning civil society and popular political culture, following the advent of mass democracy in 1928. There has perhaps been a recent tendency amongst historians to underplay the breadth of British support for the Spanish Republic, and to suggest that the humanitarian character of this support was, very often, indicative of a detached and apolitical response. This thesis asks why the Spanish Republic had the unique appeal that it did, examining how people in Britain framed the conflict in Spain, and exploring what they did in practice in terms of raising humanitarian aid for, and awareness about, the Republican cause. In particular it does this by considering the response to ‘Spain’ within the peace movement, Co-operative movement and amongst British Christians. The thesis challenges the idea that many of those involved with the humanitarian campaigns saw Spain as a distant country and that they were detached from events there. It argues that, while political interpretations of the Spanish conflict were far from uniform, the plight and cause of the Republic resonated with notions of British identity in the 1930s, and with the crises that different groups and individuals perceived to be threatening their world order. It explores how the topic of non-intervention was debated within civil society and argues that support for this policy was not necessarily indicative of isolationism. It suggests that support for Republican Spain, even where it was largely ‘humanitarian’ in character, went alongside interest in the issues surrounding the conflict and is illustrative of a degree of both democratic engagement and popular internationalism within 1930s Britain.

Anarquismo Revolucionario EL ESPAÑOL FORMA PARTE DEL PODER POLÍTICO QUE COMBATE CONTRA FRANCO DURANTE LA GUERRA CIVIL ESPAÑOLA (1936-1939). Y ANALISIS DE LOS GOBIERNOS LOCALES DE LA COMARCA DEL VALLÈS OCCIDENTAL Catalanes, DE LA CIUDAD DE BARCELONA limítrofe, DE Importancia INDUSTRIAL DE SERVICIOS. / participación en los gobiernos locales de los anarquistas revolucionarios

Anarquistas Revolucionarios LOS, A Través De Su SINDICATO Confederación Nacional del Trabajo, EN La región más INDUSTRIALIZADA DE ESPAÑA, CATALUÑA, CON TRADICIÓN Teórica ROMPEN SU TACTICA Y POLITICO Y SE INCORPORAN AL PODER, ECONOMICO Y SOCIAL. POR EXIGENCIAS DE LA GUERRA CIVIL (1936-1939) CONTRA EL lanzas fascista de Franco, PERO TAMBIEN POR LA REALIDAD DE LA IMPOSIBILIDAD DE IMPONER SU REVOLUCIONARIA Dictadura. / los anarquistas asumen parte del poder revolucionario en los municipios durante la guerra civil

Escrita EN CATALÁN IDIOMA, Y OTRAS Cuestiones Relacionadas AMPLIA CON MI TESIS DOCTORAL REVISA DEL AÑO 2001 "ACTIVIDAD POLITICA DE LA IZQUIERDA ES DURANTE LA Libertaria COMARCA DEL LA GUERRA CIVIL OCCIDENTAL" (UNIVERSIDAD NACIONAL DE EDUCACION A DISTANCIA VALLÈS, FACULTAD DE GEOGRAFÍA E HISTORIA) (ESPAÑA) (REFERENCIAS A LA MISMA EN INTERNET: www.educacion.es/teseo/. Also available in: www.e-spacio.uned.es:8080. Also available in: www.cibernetia.com/tesis_es/HISTORIA/ HISTORIA_POR_EPOCAS / HISTORIA_CONTEMPORANEA / 4.Importancia RADICA EN QUE SE DE SU ESTUDIO MUY Trata de las Naciones,, PODER POLÍTICO DEL Unidas PORMENORIZADO, ECONOMICO, SOCIAL Y MILITAR DE LAS ORGANIZACIONES EN CONTEXTO Anarquistas de la ONU Y DE GUERRA ES UNA ZONA ECONOMICA DESARROLLADA, ASÍ COMO AL DE LA CON CONFRONTARSE Teórica PREVIA CIRCUNDANTE La Realidad, SE VEN OBLIGADOS A UNA EVOLUCIÓN TOTALMENTE A SU PENSAMIENTO POLÍTICO ANTERIOR Contraria.

ANALISIS DEL PODER DEL SINDICATO EN CADA Anarquista Y SUS RESPECTIVOS GOBIERNOS MUNICIPALES EN localidad / Analisis poder politico de los anarquistas

Tesis Doctoral QUE CON DETALLE LA Analiza Influencia DE LOS ES CADA MUNICIPIO Anarquistas, PODER POLÍTICO DURANTE SU CONTRA LA GUERRA CIVIL LAS Fuerzas franquistas (1936-1939, Alianzas SUS, Teórica EVOLUCION ORGANIZATIVA Y, ASPECTOS IMPORTANTES DE SU GESTIÓN PÚBLICA COTIDIANA, ETC.