Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-01T18:18:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 pre-textuais.pdf: 707447 bytes, checksum: cc0f6bc375dcd0cd417a693b0169d5a1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-11-04 / This project is based on the creation of a new juridical way of thinking, on the area of transnational law, which is justified by the approach of studies about the conflict in Money laundering, and consolidated apart from the concept of nation sovereignty, about which concrete answers were sought to comprehend the referred conflict. The problem in Money laundering is increased in immeasurable proportions, to such an extent that it became the scenery for high importance debates in International Organizations (Viena, 1988; Palermo, 2000; Mérida, 2003), and that many nations fear, once it destroys their economic and democratic structures. It is relevant to perform a study on money laundering to find other juridical solutions, different from those created by the international community, or else, with the signature of international agreements and the fulfillment of policies, the 40 recommendations of the GAFI-FATF comminated to be fulfilled more specifically in Latin America. Particularly in this case, a comparative law study was made between Brazil and Colombia, two nations possessing the same common denominator: the combat, the control and the prevention of this wrongdoing that crosses their boundaries and above which the stigma of being a drug producer and the route of drugs, respectively, weighs. Methodologically, this study was divided in three parts, detailing a complex analysis on the reason for the transnational wrongdoing of laundering to be increasing constantly. First, due to its origins and causes that founded it; second, for the formulation of policies and agreements that do not possess discursive coherence and realism when facing the illegal phenomenon; and third, for the incomprehension and bad adaptation of the internal rules to the international policies, that do not concoct, or even match, once their measures and sanctions between the nations come from a sovereign willing. With these three pillars, the theoretical foundations emerged from the concept of transnational law, referring to the cosmopolitan societies as it was described by the sociologist Ulrich Beck, and adjusted on the discursive processes of the communicative action theory, proposed by the philosopher Jürgen Habermas. Regarding these two theorists as a paradigm, an epistemological study on the phenomenon of Money laundering was considered, which does not correspond to the realities of the globalized world, spread in the massification of asymmetrical speeches, originated from the international policies. In the particular case of drug trafficking and consumption, it was clear that, in order to meet goals for the eradication of the crops and to stop the drugs, they should not, therefore, be legalized; in fact, the procedures should be gauged, aiming at the extinction of this evil. As the sovereignty of nations prevents this ending, it is made necessary the transnational policy that conducts to its solution / Este trabalho é baseado na construção de um novo pensamento jurídico de direito transnacional, justificado na abordagem dos estudos do conflito da lavagem de ativos, consolidado distante do conceito de soberania das Nações, sobre o qual, se buscaram respostas concretas para compreender o referido conflito. O problema da lavagem de ativos aumenta em proporções desmesuradas, a ponto de se tornar em um dos cenários de debate de maior atenção por Organismos Internacionais (Viena, 1988, Palermo, 2000, Mérida 2003) e que muitas Nações temem, pois destrói suas estruturas econômicas e democráticas. É relevante realizar um estudo sobre lavagem de dinheiros para encontrar outras soluções jurídicas distintas àquelas criadas pela comunidade internacional, ou seja, com a assinatura de Convênios Internacionais e cumprimento de Normativas, as 40 Recomendações do GAFI-FATF cominadas a serem cumpridas mais especificamente na América Latina. Neste caso particular, se fez um estudo de direito comparado entre o Brasil e a Colômbia, duas Nações que possuem um mesmo denominador comum, que é o combate, controle e a prevenção deste delito, que atravessa suas fronteiras e sobre os quais pesa o estigma de produtor e rota de drogas, respectivamente. Metodologicamente este estudo foi dividido em três partes que detalham uma complexa análise do porquê o delito transnacional da lavagem tende a crescer constantemente. Primeiro, devido às suas origens e causas que o fundamentam; segundo, pela formulação das normas e convênios que não possuem coerência discursiva e realismo frente ao fenômeno delitivo; e terceiro, pela incompreensão e má adaptação das regras internas em relação às normativas internacionais, que não discorrem, e muito menos combinam, porque suas medidas e sanções entre as Nações partem de uma vontade soberana. Com estes três pilares emergiram os fundamentos teóricos a partir do conceito de direito transnacional referente às sociedades cosmopolitas do sociólogo Ulrich Beck, e ajustado nos processos discursivos da teoria da ação comunicativa, proposta pelo filósofo Jürgen Habermas. Ao ter como paradigma estes dois teóricos, se pensou em um estudo epistemológico do fenômeno da lavagem de ativos, no qual não responde às realidades do mundo globalizado da massificação dos discursos assimétricos provenientes das normativas internacionais. No caso particular do narcotráfico e o consumo de droga, se deixou claro que para cumprir metas a fim de erradicar cultivos e frear a droga, não deve, portanto, legalizar-se e, sim, uniformizarem-se os procedimentos com o intuito de extinguir este mal. Como a soberania das Nações impede este fim faz-se necessário a transnacionalidade normativa que conduz à sua solução

This dissertation examines how 17 school leaders from six at-risk schools in the Golden Triangle of Thailand perceived the development of their leadership qualities through an Action Learning (AL) leadership development program and what factors in the AL program enabled that development. The Golden Triangle is the border area between Thailand, Myanmar, and Laos. This area in Thailand is considered one of the largest human and drug trafficking destinations, sources, and transit countries. The schools here regularly encounter leadership and administrative problems, as well as limited resources, while trying to deliver a quality education to at-risk students. The Ministry of Education, Thailand (MOE) uses the National Institute of Development of Teachers, Faculty Staff, and Educational Personnel to provide professional development programs for pre-service and in-service school administrators. These programs have not proven effective. To provide a more effective development method for leadership behavior, the researcher recommended an AL program to MOE. AL is an approach to working with and developing people through the real work of the school/organization. The recommendation was accepted by MOE, and the researcher co-designed an AL program with AL designers and practitioners and local experts and leaders. The researcher then designed a qualitative case study to determine if participants perceived a change in their leadership behaviors and characteristics and what factors in the AL program may have supported that change. The study employed five research methods: a survey with an expert panel, self-administered surveys, critical incident questionnaire (CIQ) interviews, debriefing sessions with the program coaches, and document analysis. The findings from the study showed the school context had a strong influence on the results. The design of Critical Success Factors in the AL program helped support the development of some leadership qualities and the transfer of that learning back to the schools. Results/conclusions indicated participants perceived some improvement in nine leadership qualities with strongest results in Communication Leadership, Caring Leadership, Collaboration, and Confident Leadership. Recommendations were suggested for AL designers and practitioners, MOE administrators, and future research.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / Bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This research study analyzes the Mexican drug war’s impact on the state’s federal political system of shared sovereignty. Transnational criminal organizations (TCOs) such as drug cartels have grown in strength due to shifting dynamics of the global drug trade. This growth in power, both in relation to the use of physical force and the influence over Mexican society, has challenged the state’s authority and monopoly of violence. After the inauguration of President Felipe Calderón in 2006, the government launched an all-in offensive, dedicating the entire state system to ridding the country of the drug cartels. Results of the offensive have been mixed and vary from area to area. However, trends indicate that the offensive has caused power vacuums and increased rivalry among the drug cartels. National homicide statistics show the government offensive has distorted the balance of power among the drug cartels, causing increased competition in an already hypercompetitive market. The majority of Mexico’s modern history consists of the era of single-party dominance, where the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) dominated the political system on both vertical and horizontal levels. The recent growth of federal executive power during Calderón’s administration has caused concern about whether the democratic progress made during the last decade could be reversed – returning the country back to former autocratic practices of governance. This reversal also involves the concentration of power in the center. For the last few decades, the country has been decentralizing its political system in accordance to federal principles laid down by its Constitution. The involvement of the military, a federal instrument of security that has in some cases taken over jurisdiction from state and local authorities, has been causing debate on whether the executive power is violating its constitutional limits of power. With this, the primary research question of this study uses theoretical concepts and is formulated thusly: How do violent non-state actors (VNSAs) impact federalism in Mexico? Mexico was chosen as a case study because of its growing struggle against the drug cartels, a sub-branch of non-state actors (NSAs). The Westphalian state order has changed dramatically with globalization, changing realities with regard to the use of physical violence. This is especially the case in reference to VNSAs, where the use of violence maintains an informal system of order. With the rise of the powerful drug cartels, a direct result of the global drug trade that hides in the shadows of globalization, Mexico’s case is not unique. Colombia struggled with a similar scenario during the 1980s and 1990s. However, the security situation in Mexico has proven to be constantly evolving and very intense during a time of political transition. This study shows that the federal executive branch of the Mexican government has not violated its constitutional limits of the use of power, although the Mexican Constitution of 1917 has proven to be vague in reference to the use of the military in peacetime. This vagueness could undermine regional sovereignty and federal principles laid down by the Constitution. The study also indicates that the increasing levels of violence are affecting the functionality of regional governance, as well as freedom of the press. Homicide statistics show that since the government launched its offensive in 2006, there has been a significant increase in assassinations targeting both mayors and journalists. Overall, there is no indication that the drug war has influenced federalism in Mexico. Rather, the drug war has exposed institutional weaknesses, causing increased demand for and investment in professionalizing state institutions. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie navorsingstudie analiseer die impak van die Meksikaanse dwelmoorlog op Meksiko se federale politieke stelsel van gedeelde soewereiniteit. Transnasionale kriminele organisasies (TKO’s), byvoorbeeld dwelmkartelle, se mag het toegeneem as gevolg van die verskuiwende dinamika in globale dwelmhandel. Die staat se gesag en magsmonopolie word uitgedaag as gevolg van hierdie toename in mag, beide met betrekking tot die owerhede se gebruik van fisieke mag en hul gesag oor die Meksikaanse gemeenskap. Na die inhuldiging van president Felipe Calderón in 2006, het die regering ’n alles insluitende offensief van stapel gestuur om van die land se dwelmkartelle ontslae te probeer raak. Hierdie offensief toon wisselende vordering en die impak daarvan verskil van area tot area. Ten spyte van hierdie mate van vordering, het die offensief egter aanleiding gegee tot magsvakuums en ’n toename in wedywering tussen dwelmkartelle. Nasionale moordsyfers dui daarop dat hierdie regeringsoffensief die magsbalans tussen dwelmkartelle versteur het, wat gelei het tot ’n toename in kompetisie in ’n reeds uiters kompeterende mark. Meksiko se moderne geskiedenis bestaan hoofsaaklik uit ’n era van eenpartydominansie, waar die Institusionele Rewolusionêre Party (Institutional Revolutionary Party, IRP) die politieke stelsel op beide vertikale en horisontale vlak gedomineer het. Die onlangse opkoms van die federale uitvoerende mag tydens die Calderón-administrasie wek kommer dat die vordering wat in die laaste dekade gemaak is ten opsigte van demokratisering van die politieke stelsel, omvergewerp sal word en dat Meksiko die gevaar sal loop om terug te keer na sy voormalige outokratiese en gesentraliseerde regeerpraktyke. Oor die afgelope paar dekades het die land juis pogings aangewend om sy politieke stelsel te desentraliseer na aanleiding van federale beginsels soos neergelê in die grondwet. Die weermag – ’n federale instrument vir sekuriteit – het alreeds op sekere plekke jurisdiksie by staats- en plaaslike owerhede oorgeneem. Dit het gelei tot debatte oor of die uitvoerende mag sy grondwetlike magsbeperkinge oorskry. Na aanleiding van Meksiko se huidige politieke situasie, asook teoretiese konsepte soos die staat, federalisme, nie-staatsakteurs en globale dwelmhandel, word die primêre navorsingsvraag vir hierdie studie soos volg geformuleer: Hoe beïnvloed gewelddadige nie-staatsakteurs federalisme in Meksiko? Om hierdie vraag te beantwoord, word daar gebruik gemaak van sekondêre bronne, (beperkte) insig oor die dwelmkartelle se handelspraktyke en ’n ondersoek na die linguistiese beperkinge op die gebruik van amptelike Meksikaanse regeringspublikasies. Meksiko is as gevallestudie vir hierdie navorsingsprojek gekies vanweë die land se toenemende stryd teen dwelmkartelle, ’n subvertakking van nie-staatsakteurs. Die Westfaalse staatsorde wat eeue lank die wettige gebruik van fisieke geweld beheer het, het dramaties verander met die opkoms van globalisering. Dit is veral die geval by gewelddadige nie-staatsakteurs, waar die gebruik van geweld tans ’n informele stelsel van orde handhaaf. Die opkoms van Meksiko se magtige dwelmkartelle, ’n direkte gevolg van globale dwelmhandel (wat in die skadu van globalisering skuil), is egter nie enig in sy soort nie. Alhoewel Colombië byvoorbeeld in die 1980’s en 1990’s ’n soortgelyke probleem ondervind het, het die sekuriteitstoestand in Meksiko getoon dat dit steeds ontwikkelend van aard en hewig ten tye van politieke oorgang is, wat dit toepaslik vir hierdie studie maak. Die gevolgtrekking waartoe daar in hierdie studie gekom word, is dat die federale uitvoerende tak van die Meksikaanse regering tot dusver nie sy grondwetlike beperkinge ten opsigte van die uitoefening van mag oorskry het nie. Die Meksikaanse grondwet van 1917 is egter vaag oor die weermag se bevoegdheid om gesag af te dwing tydens vredestye. Hierdie vaagheid kan moontlik die streeksoewereiniteit en federale beginsels wat deur die grondwet verskans word, ondermyn. Daar is ook bepaal dat die toenemende geweld sowel die funksionaliteit van die streeksregering as die vryheid van die pers, beïnvloed. Moordsyfers in Meksiko dui daarop dat daar sedert 2006 ’n beduidende toename in sluipmoordaanvalle op burgemeesters en joernaliste was. Alles in ag genome, is daar egter geen aanduiding daarvan dat die dwelmoorlog wel federalisme in Meksiko geraak het nie. Die impak wat dit wel gemaak het, is om institusionele swakheid in die regering te openbaar, wat tot ’n toename in die aanvraag na en investering in die professionalisering van staatsinstellings gelei het.

Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2006. / Thesis Advisor(s): Kalev Sepp. "December 2006." AD-A462 564. Includes bibliographical references (p.83-89). Also available via the World Wide Web.

Orientador: Shiguenoli Miyamoto / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-17T21:59:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Aguilar_VeronikaKarolinaMosqueira_M.pdf: 1102216 bytes, checksum: 9e3bffcc818028a2a6c615c7ce234f3c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: Com o final da Guerra fria, e com o processo da globalização manifestam-se profundas mudanças no mundo ocidental que vêm definindo novas estratégias políticas. No plano da segurança a nova agenda concentra-se nos problemas interestatais, entre os que se destaca o narcotráfico. Na procura de alternativas de solução na região andina, se deu a XV Reunião do Conselho Presidencial Andino (Quito, Julho 2004) onde foram aprovadas as linhas gerais da segurança externa comum, autorizando a prevenção e o enfrentamento de ameaças à segurança. O combate ao problema do narcotráfico se da mediante as Políticas Antidrogas direcionadas pelos Estados Unidos, centradas na redução da produção de pasta básica de cocaína, nos países produtores, Colômbia, Peru e Bolívia. Os programas com esse intuito são o Plano Colômbia, e a Iniciativa Regional Andina. Ditas estratégias poderiam pôr em ameaça a segurança desses países. É assim que o objetivo da pesquisa é mostrar um panorama sobre os impactos das políticas antidrogas na segurança dos países andinos no plano econômico, social e político e aprofundar no caso peruano, como è tratado o problema coca-cocaína no congresso e os possíveis interesses trás a continuidade da atual política antidroga. Considera-se relevante promover a avaliação de novas estratégias antidrogas que se ajustem ao conceito de segurança da região e a sua realidade. Usa-se a metodologia de análise documentaria de relatórios mundiais de instituições que combatem o narcotráfico, discursos de representantes dos agricultores cocaleros, e os projetos leis apresentados no congresso peruano, á vez que textos de autores especialistas entre outros / Abstract: With the end of the Cold War and the process of globalization, profound changes have occurred in the western world, these changes are defining new policies. In the plan of security, new security agendas are focused on the interstate problems, among highlights the drug trafficking. In the search for alternative solutions in the Andean region was where the XIA approved the outlines of the common external security by allowing the prevention and confrontation of security threats. Combating drug trafficking through the current anti-drug policies directed by Estates Unites, focusing on reducing the production of basic paste of cocaine, these politics are o Plan Colombia, and Andean Regional Initiative, Might be threatening the security of these countries. Though, the aim of this study is to show a picture of the economics, social and political impacts of current drug policies of the security of Andean countries. Is relevant a new evaluation promote anti-drug strategies to adapt to conceit of security to the reality of the region. Use data analysis methodology is a documentary of world report of institutions that combated or drug trafficking, discourse from representatives cocaleras, e the projects leis presented in Peruvians congress, and the other texts / Mestrado / Relações Internacionais / Mestre em Ciência Política

Orientador: Thomas Patrick Dwyer / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-26T06:39:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 AlmeidaGallo_Fernanda_D.pdf: 11382311 bytes, checksum: 777bc26194ef591dd24090b4e765a157 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: Na presente tese explorou-se o Relatório da CPI do Narcotráfico como fonte de dados principal. Através do método indutivo da "Grounded Theory", pôde-se explorar, selecionar e se aprofundar na investigação de seis casos brasileiros que versavam sobre o próprio tráfico de drogas e crimes conexos que, por sua vez, levaram a um estudo sobre organizações do crime organizado. Esses seis casos foram analisados a partir da sociologia formal de Simmel que me conduziu a um estudo sobre as formas acionadas pelo crime organizado, até então inédito na Sociologia. Dentre as principais contribuições e descobertas é possível elencar 1) o uso de metodologias informacionais, como as análises de redes sociais, que permitiram a reconstrução organizacional (e das redes) acionadas pelos grupos estudados e com isso, ajudaram a alcançar um nível de abstração tal que permitiu pensar acerca dos tipos organizacionais acionados por esses grupos; 2) a descoberta do nível meso de análise alcançada através do uso de relatórios e investigações políticas; 3) a percepção sobre a existência de um terceiro tipo organizacional que transita entre as hierarquias e as redes, que denomino como híbrido. Essa tipologia foi percebida na quase totalidade dos casos estudados e, nacional e internacionalmente contextualizada, onde foram encontrados paralelos em casos chineses, canadenses, colombianos e mexicanos. Na tentativa de entender o desenvolvimento do híbrido nos casos estudados, levantei algumas hipóteses, dentre as quais destaco: as TIC¿s influenciam no desenvolvimento de organizações criminosas híbridas / Abstract: In this thesis the Drug Trafficking Report from the Brazilian parliament (lower house) Investigation Commission (CPI) is analyzed as primary data source. By using the inductive Grounded Theory methodology, I was able to explore, select and deepen the investigation into six Brazilian criminal drug trafficking cases and related crimes, resulting in a body of knowledge about the structures and organization of the organized crime. These six cases were analyzed throughout Simmel¿s "formal Sociology" lenses, resulting in a study of the forms employed by the organized crime, a novel result. Main contributions and discoveries in this thesis are: (1) the first reconstruction and abstraction of the organizational networks of Brazilian organized crime by using informational methodologies, (2) the first characterization of the organized crime networks at the analytical "meso"-level, by using a triangulation of methodologies, and (3) the identification of a third organizational class, called here hybrid - a merge between hierarchical and mesh organization. In special, the hybrid organizational type was detected in almost all cases studied and parallels were found to international cases (Chinese, Canadian, Colombian and Mexican). These parallels enabled me to postulate some hypothesis for future work, the most noteworthy relating the pervasive IT and the hybrid organizational class / Doutorado / Ciencias Sociais / Doutora em Ciências Sociais

This dissertation examines how parties respond and adapt their behavior to political violence. Building a theoretical argument about strategic party behavior and party capture, I address the following questions: How do parties select and recruit their candidates in regions with high levels of violence and the pervasive presence of VNAs? Do parties respond to violence by selecting certain types of candidates who are more capable of fighting these organizations? Do parties react differently at different levels of government? And finally, how do VNSAs capture political selection across at different levels of government? I argue that in regions where there is high "uncertainty," candidate selection becomes highly important for both party leaders and DTOs. Second, I argue that as violence increases and the number of DTOs also, criminal organizations, as risk-averse actors, will capture candidate selection. I posit that as violence increases, there is a greater likelihood that candidates will have criminal connections. To test my theory, I use the case of Mexico. Violence in Mexico and the presence of criminal organizations across the country has experienced a great deal of variation since the 1990s. In Chapter 2, I find that violence affects the gubernatorial candidate selection of the PRI, PAN and PRD. In high violence states, parties select gubernatorial candidates with long experience in subnational politics compared to other types of experiences. In chapter 3, however, I find that at the municipal level not all the parties respond equally to violence. As a municipality becomes more violent, the PRI and PAN party leaders are more likely to select mayoral candidates who were either state or federal deputies or candidates who were both. In contrast, the PRD is likely to recruit state deputies as a function of violence, but not national deputies or candidates who were deputies at both the state and federal level. Interestingly, I find that as the municipality becomes more violent, party leaders are less likely to recruit inexperienced candidates. This result suggests that parties do indeed respond to levels of violence. Finally, in Chapter 5, I show that criminal organizations capture candidate selection to reduce uncertainty. As utility-maximizing actors, DTOs seek to influence the selection of candidates as a function of violence. At the state level, criminal organizations are more likely to capture candidate selection in states with the presence of multiple DTOs. Party capture is more likely to happen in states where more than one DTO are fighting to control the turf. I show that criminal organizations at the state level equally capture all parties. This finding reveals that DTOs are diversifying their political connections. While under the dominant party regime, they colluded with PRI officials, under the new political Mexican democratic configuration, DTOs are establishing other political relationships with different political parties.

This study scrutinizes the drug-terrorism nexus critically with intent to conceive possible remedies for the problem. The vast turnover of the global illicit drug industry constitutes the largest portion of organized crime enterprises' income. Different circles have argued that these enterprises are not the sole actors of the drug business, but terrorist groups, whose ultimate aim is a political change rather than financial strength, also profit from the “business.” The controversial nature of the problem fuelled heated debates and requires an in depth and impartial analysis, which was the main subject of the current study. At the first stage, three different cases, the PKK, the LTTE, and the SL, were studied either to prove or deny the alleged phenomenon. The sampled groups' ideology, structure, and operations helped understand the motives pushing the organizations into the ‘business.' Subsequently, several recommendations capturing vital issues both in countering terrorism and breaking terrorism-drugs link were spelled out.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / This thesis focuses on the regional response to the crisis in Colombia. The major conclusions of the thesis are that the crisis directly affects the security of Colombia's neighbors; that the use of military force will be the most important element in a strategy to restore security and that the Colombian military will require external military assistance to do so; that while Colombia's neighbors have traditionally rejected ideas of intervention, there are indications that they may be willing to participate in such an endeavor; and that while less politically risky courses of action are more likely to occur, a regional military force operating in a peacemaking role will be the most effective course of action towards restoring security in Colombia and the region. These conclusions are reached through an examination of the conflict's effect on Colombia and its neighbors, the capabilities of the Colombian security forces, the history of regional cooperative efforts, and recent political rhetoric and policy decisions region-wide. / Major, United States Marine Corps

Thesis (Master of Military Studies)-Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. / Title from title page of PDF document (viewed on: Jan 12, 2010). Includes bibliographical references.