Text in Afrikaans / Die Wet op Misbruik van Afhankl ikheidsvormende Stowwe beheer tans die regsposisie betreffende die misbruik van dwelmmiddels. Orie klasse afhankl ikheidsvormende medisyne word geskep waarvan slegs die handeldryf in verbode afhankl ikheidsvormende medisyne bespreek word. Benewens die gewone betekenis van handeldryf, het die Wetgewer 'n uitgebreide betekenis daaraan gegee om begrippe soos "oorlaai", "toediening", "versending" en "voorskryf" in te sluit. Die vermoedens, wat die Wetgewer in die Wet ingebou het om die taak van die vervolging te vergemakl ik, sowel as die voorverelstes vir die inwerkingstel I ing daarvan, word bespreek. Verbode Afhankl ikheidsvormende medisyne word gelys in Deel I in die Bylae tot die Wet en die strekking van die bewyslas op die vervolging word bespreek. Geen statut~re regverdigingsgronde word geskep nie, maar die gemeenregtel ike regverdigingsgronde behoort hier aanwending te vind. Opset blyk die vereiste skuldvorm te wees. Wet 101 van 1965 en Wet 41 van 1971 oorvleuel tot 'n sekere mate en by botsende bepal ings sal die 1971-wet voorkeur geniet. / The law with regard to the dependance-producing drugs is governed by the Act on the Misuse of Dependence-producing drugs. The Act distinguishes between three types of dependence-producing drugs and the work focuses only on prohibited dependence-producing drugs. The lawmaker gave extended interpretation to the term" dealing in" to include aspects Iike the transfer from one vehicle to another, administering, dispatching and prescription. Certain presumptions which Iighten the burden of proof on the prosecution were introduced in the act and the prerequisites for their operation are discussed. No statutory defences are created but it is submitted that common law defences should apply. Intention is set down to constitute the required mens areas. Act 101 of 1965 and Act 41 of 1971 overlap on certain aspects where sections are in conflict with each other, the latter Act should receive preference. / Criminology and Security Science / LL.M.

Este trabalho é baseado na construção de um novo pensamento jurídico de direito transnacional, justificado na abordagem dos estudos do conflito da lavagem de ativos, consolidado distante do conceito de soberania das Nações, sobre o qual, se buscaram respostas concretas para compreender o referido conflito. O problema da lavagem de ativos aumenta em proporções desmesuradas, a ponto de se tornar em um dos cenários de debate de maior atenção por Organismos Internacionais (Viena, 1988, Palermo, 2000, Mérida 2003) e que muitas Nações temem, pois destrói suas estruturas econômicas e democráticas. É relevante realizar um estudo sobre lavagem de dinheiros para encontrar outras soluções jurídicas distintas àquelas criadas pela comunidade internacional, ou seja, com a assinatura de Convênios Internacionais e cumprimento de Normativas, as 40 Recomendações do GAFI-FATF cominadas a serem cumpridas mais especificamente na América Latina. Neste caso particular, se fez um estudo de direito comparado entre o Brasil e a Colômbia, duas Nações que possuem um mesmo denominador comum, que é o combate, controle e a prevenção deste delito, que atravessa suas fronteiras e sobre os quais pesa o estigma de produtor e rota de drogas, respectivamente. Metodologicamente este estudo foi dividido em três partes que detalham uma complexa análise do porquê o delito transnacional da lavagem tende a crescer constantemente. Primeiro, devido às suas origens e causas que o fundamentam; segundo, pela formulação das normas e convênios que não possuem coerência discursiva e realismo frente ao fenômeno delitivo; e terceiro, pela incompreensão e má adaptação das regras internas em relação às normativas internacionais, que não discorrem, e muito menos combinam, porque suas medidas e sanções entre as Nações partem de uma vontade soberana. Com estes três pilares emergiram os fundamentos teóricos a partir do conceito de direito transnacional referente às sociedades cosmopolitas do sociólogo Ulrich Beck, e ajustado nos processos discursivos da teoria da ação comunicativa, proposta pelo filósofo Jürgen Habermas. Ao ter como paradigma estes dois teóricos, se pensou em um estudo epistemológico do fenômeno da lavagem de ativos, no qual não responde às realidades do mundo globalizado da massificação dos discursos assimétricos provenientes das normativas internacionais. No caso particular do narcotráfico e o consumo de droga, se deixou claro que para cumprir metas a fim de erradicar cultivos e frear a droga, não deve, portanto, legalizar-se e, sim, uniformizarem-se os procedimentos com o intuito de extinguir este mal. Como a soberania das Nações impede este fim faz-se necessário a transnacionalidade normativa que conduz à sua solução / This project is based on the creation of a new juridical way of thinking, on the area of transnational law, which is justified by the approach of studies about the conflict in Money laundering, and consolidated apart from the concept of nation sovereignty, about which concrete answers were sought to comprehend the referred conflict. The problem in Money laundering is increased in immeasurable proportions, to such an extent that it became the scenery for high importance debates in International Organizations (Viena, 1988; Palermo, 2000; Mérida, 2003), and that many nations fear, once it destroys their economic and democratic structures. It is relevant to perform a study on money laundering to find other juridical solutions, different from those created by the international community, or else, with the signature of international agreements and the fulfillment of policies, the 40 recommendations of the GAFI-FATF comminated to be fulfilled more specifically in Latin America. Particularly in this case, a comparative law study was made between Brazil and Colombia, two nations possessing the same common denominator: the combat, the control and the prevention of this wrongdoing that crosses their boundaries and above which the stigma of being a drug producer and the route of drugs, respectively, weighs. Methodologically, this study was divided in three parts, detailing a complex analysis on the reason for the transnational wrongdoing of laundering to be increasing constantly. First, due to its origins and causes that founded it; second, for the formulation of policies and agreements that do not possess discursive coherence and realism when facing the illegal phenomenon; and third, for the incomprehension and bad adaptation of the internal rules to the international policies, that do not concoct, or even match, once their measures and sanctions between the nations come from a sovereign willing. With these three pillars, the theoretical foundations emerged from the concept of transnational law, referring to the cosmopolitan societies as it was described by the sociologist Ulrich Beck, and adjusted on the discursive processes of the communicative action theory, proposed by the philosopher Jürgen Habermas. Regarding these two theorists as a paradigm, an epistemological study on the phenomenon of Money laundering was considered, which does not correspond to the realities of the globalized world, spread in the massification of asymmetrical speeches, originated from the international policies. In the particular case of drug trafficking and consumption, it was clear that, in order to meet goals for the eradication of the crops and to stop the drugs, they should not, therefore, be legalized; in fact, the procedures should be gauged, aiming at the extinction of this evil. As the sovereignty of nations prevents this ending, it is made necessary the transnational policy that conducts to its solution

Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

Criminal violence is one of the most serious challenges in contemporary Latin America. While the drug economy -- which sparked much of the violence -- developed later in the 20th century, the institutions which shape contemporary vulnerability have deep historic roots. In this dissertation, I study three informal institutions: systematic corruption in the security sector, traditional governance institutions, and patriarchal norms, all of which have consequences for contemporary violence and vulnerability. In combining these essays, I aim to uncover some of the historical and social origins of contemporary variation in criminal violence and vulnerability. The first paper examines systematic corruption in the security sector. I ask: why did Mexico's strong and enduring civilian autocratic regime fail to reform a military riddled with corruption? I argue that the regime's reliance on the military for political control and repression created openings for the military to act corruptly when the center state was faced with political threats. I use an original data-set of military-landlord paramilitaries under the Cárdenas administration to show that where the regime faced greater political threat, military officials abused their power to profit from collusion with landed elites. Tracing these dynamics through to Mexico's dirty war, I find that the presence of these militaries in the 1970s is associated with higher levels of excess repression, suggesting enduring consequences of these collusive agreements for military professionalization. The second paper examines collaborative governance institutions -- created in Mexico's land reform -- as a source of variation in contemporary vulnerability to criminal violence. Each major land reform in Latin America was accompanied by the creation of collective institutions to administer redistributed land and govern beneficiary communities of land reform. However, little is known about the long term consequences of these administrative institutions. I advance a theory which argues that administrative institutions which enable the preservation of indigenous governance traditions can facilitate collective action capacity, which yields security dividends by empowering communities to respond strategically and collectively to criminal threat. I leverage insight from two months of in-depth, interview-based fieldwork in Michoacán, Mexico, combined with a difference-in-difference design to uncover the consequences of institutional variation in Mexico's land reform for vulnerability to criminal violence and criminal presence. In line with theoretical expectations, I find that land reform communities which preserve traditions of indigenous governance generate security in the context of Mexico's drug war. These findings have important implications for a vast literature which studies the relationships between violence and property rights, as well as for studies of rural security. The final paper studies the relationship between social inequality and criminal victimization, focusing on hierarchies created and upheld by patriarchal norms. I advance a theory of intersectional vulnerability to criminal violence, arguing that the same traditional structures which enable high collective action and social control of criminal violence can also lead to the preservation of stronger patriarchal norms. I suggest that these strong patriarchal norms lead to more criminal victimization of women relative to men. In patriarchal contexts, women's relative vulnerability is increased by community failure to apply social control to protect women from criminal violence, and exacerbated by women's lack of recourse due to their political exclusion. I test this theory empirically in the context of the Mexican drug war. I use an original measure of patriarchal norms drawn from household surveys on gender roles to identify empirical associations between traditional social structures and higher levels of patriarchal norms pre-drug war. Exploiting the shock of the onset of the drug war, I find that higher levels of patriarchy pre-drug war lead to substantially greater increases in women's victimization relative to men's following the onset of the war. I find strong evidence that this victimization is non-domestic, reflecting how community control of violence fails to protect women from criminal victimization, and that women are most at risk when they are politically excluded. These findings speak to how social and political inequalities shape vulnerability to criminal violence, particularly in contexts where the state fails to provide security. Together, these papers highlight the complex layering of informal institutions which shape contemporary welfare in the context of widespread criminal violence.

The Kenyan state is currently under pressure from two sides: First, numerous non-state armed groups have taken over the provision of security in areas where the state is practically absent. Second, drug-trafficking organizations are gaining ground as the country is increasingly being used as a major transit hub for narcotics. This article investigates the relationship between drug trafficking and informal security provision in Kenya and draws analogies from comparable experiences in Latin America and West Africa. Field research in Kenya has demonstrated that profit-oriented, informal security actors in Mombasa work for drug lords, while their counterparts in Nairobi are more likely to be hired by politicians. Moreover, faith-based vigilante groups in both cities appear to be less susceptible to external manipulation by drug traffickers. The article concludes by considering the potential consequences of an expansion of the drug trade in Kenya. / © 2014 GIGA. Reproduced in accordance with the publisher's self-archiving policy. Africa Spectrum is an Open Access publication. It may be read, copied and distributed free of charge according to the conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution-No Derivative Works 3.0 License.

The Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia is located in the Horn of Africa and bound on the northeast by Eritrea and Djibouti, on the east and southeast by Somalia, on the south-west by Kenya and on the west and north-west by Sudan. In a 2003 report, the Ethiopia Central Statistical Authority (2003:24) estimated the population of Ethiopia to be 71,066,000. The Ethiopian economy is mainly based on agriculture, which contributes 47% to GNP and more than 80% of exports and employs 85% of the population. Ethiopia nowadays governs under a federal system and due to the governance system there are nine regional states in the country, which are composed of specific ethnic groups. The regional states, which have a significant degree of autonomy, are Tigray, Afar, Amhara, Oromia, Somalia, Benshangul-Gumaz, Gambela, Harar and the Southern Nations, nationalities and peoples, which comprise about 41 ethnic groups. Hence, the structure of the police service in the country follows the characteristics of the federal system. Accordingly, the regional states have their own police service, which is responsible to the regional states and at the federal government level, the Federal Police Service (FPS) is responsible to federal government. / Police Practice / M.Tech. (Policing)

The Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia is located in the Horn of Africa and bound on the northeast by Eritrea and Djibouti, on the east and southeast by Somalia, on the south-west by Kenya and on the west and north-west by Sudan. In a 2003 report, the Ethiopia Central Statistical Authority (2003:24) estimated the population of Ethiopia to be 71,066,000. The Ethiopian economy is mainly based on agriculture, which contributes 47% to GNP and more than 80% of exports and employs 85% of the population. Ethiopia nowadays governs under a federal system and due to the governance system there are nine regional states in the country, which are composed of specific ethnic groups. The regional states, which have a significant degree of autonomy, are Tigray, Afar, Amhara, Oromia, Somalia, Benshangul-Gumaz, Gambela, Harar and the Southern Nations, nationalities and peoples, which comprise about 41 ethnic groups. Hence, the structure of the police service in the country follows the characteristics of the federal system. Accordingly, the regional states have their own police service, which is responsible to the regional states and at the federal government level, the Federal Police Service (FPS) is responsible to federal government. / Police Practice / M.Tech. (Policing)

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O objetivo desta tese é discutir como os moradores de favelas no Rio de Janeiro fazem para experimentar segurança em meio ao cotidiano marcado por inseguranças, violência e vulnerabilidade social. Minha hipótese central é que os moradores destas localidades visualizam nas lealdades primordiais (GEERTZ, 2008 [1973]), nas relações de vizinhança e em redes formadas em torno do pertencimento a instituições religiosas, sobretudo as pentecostais e neopentecostais a base da segurança necessária para organizarem suas vidas, suas rotinas. Busquei responder às questões que me animavam a partir de um investimento etnográfico em duas favelas cariocas, a saber, Santa Marta, localizada no bairro de Botafogo, Zona Sul, e, principalmente, Acari, localizada entre bairros da Zona Norte da cidade. Ao longo da etnografia realizei entrevistas semi-estruturadas com moradores evangélicos, traficantes, homens, mulheres, jovens e idosos, lideranças políticas e culturais. A partir destas entrevistas, assim como das conversas informais com moradores nestas favelas, pude observar a grande dificuldade que os moradores das referidas localidades têm, face à violência, para experimentar constantemente segurança e confiança, mesmo no caso dos moradores que desfrutam de densas redes de solidariedade e proteção baseadas no parentesco e/ou na partilha de identidade religiosa pentecostal. A paranóia, o medo da fofoca e do inimigo à espreita tomam conta do cotidiano de moradores (e também de traficantes). Neste contexto, identifiquei nas suas tentativas de consolidação de vínculos sociais e afetivos, mas também em seus diversos cálculos em termos de evitação da violência suas principais estratégias para viver o dia-a-dia com certa tranqüilidade. O curso da etnografia possibilitou, ainda, refletir sobre a importância da articulação analítica de dois eixos temáticos para o estudo da favela como fenômeno urbano/social hoje: religião e violência. Esta avaliação é fruto da observação das aproximações entre traficantes que passaram, nessas localidades, a experimentar novas formas de expressão de fé. Se, nas décadas de 1980-1990, os traficantes de Acari expunham em seus corpos, em suas casas e nos muros da favela imagens e orações que remetiam ao universo religioso afro-brasileiro, na atualidade, acionam uma gramática pentecostal e pintam nos muros da favela salmos e outras passagens bíblicas. Se antes pediam proteção às mães-de-santo, agora pedem proteção às lideranças evangélicas e à comunidade de irmãos, assim como comemoram seus aniversários em cultos de ação de graça. A interface entre traficantes e evangélicos nas favelas estudadas, com destaque para Acari, vem produzindo, sustento, reequilíbrios de poder no interior do campo político e religioso local e, até, supralocal. / The objective of this thesis is to discuss how inhabitants of slums in Rio de Janeiro experiment security amid their quotidian which is permeated by insecurities, violence and social vulnerability. My central hypothesis is that the inhabitants of these localities envision in primordial loyalties (GEERZT, 2008 [1973]), in neighborhood relationships and in networks formed from the sense of belonging to religious institutions, specially the Pentecostals and Neopentecostals, the basis of the necessary security that enables the organization of their lives, their quotidian activities. I aimed to answer the questions that stimulated me from an ethnographic investment in two carioca slums: Santa Marta, located in Botafogo, South Zone and mainly Acari, located between neighborhoods in the North Zone of the city. Throughout the ethnography I carried out semi-structured interviews with evangelical inhabitants, drug traffickers, men, women, youngsters, elders and political and cultural leaderships. Parting from these interviews, as well as the informal conversations whit the other inhabitants of these slums, I could observe that they have great difficulty in experiencing constant security and trust, even in the cases of those who enjoy dense solidarity and protection networks based on kinship and/or sharing Pentecostal religious identities. The paranoia, the fear of gossip and of the enemy on de lookout takeover the lives of these people (and also of the traffickers) on the field. The course of the ethnography enabled a reflection about the importance of analytical articulation of two thematic axis for the study of the slum as an urban/social phenomenon today: religion and violence. That evaluation is fruit of the observation towards the approximation between traffickers who, in these localities, experienced new forms of expression of faith. If in the 1980-1990 decades the traffickers of Acari would expose on their bodies, in their houses and on the slum walls images and prayers the remitted to the afro-brazilian religious universe, currently, they put forward a Pentecostal grammar and paint psalms and other biblical parts on the walls of the slum. If they used to ask protection to the mother-of-saint, now they ask protection to evangelical leaders and the brotherhood community, as well as celebrate their birthdays in thanksgiving cults. The interface between traffickers and evangelicals in the studied communities, with emphasis to Acari, have been producing a livelihood and re-balancing of power in the local and even supra local political and religious field.

Every phenomenon evolves with times. Illicit activities like Transnational Organized Crimes (TOC) are not an exception in this regard. Africa, especially West and Southern Africa, have been challenged by a number of TOCs. Ghana and South Africa are amongst the countries in West and Southern Africa that have been subjected to a range of crimes of this nature. Drug trafficking and money laundering are the most prominent illicit activities in Ghana and South Africa. Drug trafficking and money laundering has been prevalent in Ghana and South Africa to such an extent that it has contributed to the growth of illicit economy. Increased size of illicit economy, constrained state capacity and expansion of TOCs are amongst effects of drug trafficking and money laundering in Ghana and South Africa. This dissertation evaluates state capacity in relation to drug trafficking and money laundering in Ghana and South Africa in the period from 2001 to 2011. Regulatory, administrative, technical and extractive are elements of state capacity being looked at. The research used qualitative research method, this was achieved through textual analysis of secondary sources. Regulatory, administrative, and technical state capacity elements have been fairly operational in dealing with drug trafficking and money laundering in the period from 2001 to 2011 in the two countries being looked at. On the other hand extractive state capacity element has been struggling from 2001 to 2011 in reducing drug trafficking and money laundering in Ghana and South Africa. It is clear that globalization has played an important role in the occurrence of the two TOCs under discussion. To better understand TOCs further research needs to look at other regions within and outside Africa. / Thesis (M.Soc.Sc.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2013.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O objetivo desta tese é discutir como os moradores de favelas no Rio de Janeiro fazem para experimentar segurança em meio ao cotidiano marcado por inseguranças, violência e vulnerabilidade social. Minha hipótese central é que os moradores destas localidades visualizam nas lealdades primordiais (GEERTZ, 2008 [1973]), nas relações de vizinhança e em redes formadas em torno do pertencimento a instituições religiosas, sobretudo as pentecostais e neopentecostais a base da segurança necessária para organizarem suas vidas, suas rotinas. Busquei responder às questões que me animavam a partir de um investimento etnográfico em duas favelas cariocas, a saber, Santa Marta, localizada no bairro de Botafogo, Zona Sul, e, principalmente, Acari, localizada entre bairros da Zona Norte da cidade. Ao longo da etnografia realizei entrevistas semi-estruturadas com moradores evangélicos, traficantes, homens, mulheres, jovens e idosos, lideranças políticas e culturais. A partir destas entrevistas, assim como das conversas informais com moradores nestas favelas, pude observar a grande dificuldade que os moradores das referidas localidades têm, face à violência, para experimentar constantemente segurança e confiança, mesmo no caso dos moradores que desfrutam de densas redes de solidariedade e proteção baseadas no parentesco e/ou na partilha de identidade religiosa pentecostal. A paranóia, o medo da fofoca e do inimigo à espreita tomam conta do cotidiano de moradores (e também de traficantes). Neste contexto, identifiquei nas suas tentativas de consolidação de vínculos sociais e afetivos, mas também em seus diversos cálculos em termos de evitação da violência suas principais estratégias para viver o dia-a-dia com certa tranqüilidade. O curso da etnografia possibilitou, ainda, refletir sobre a importância da articulação analítica de dois eixos temáticos para o estudo da favela como fenômeno urbano/social hoje: religião e violência. Esta avaliação é fruto da observação das aproximações entre traficantes que passaram, nessas localidades, a experimentar novas formas de expressão de fé. Se, nas décadas de 1980-1990, os traficantes de Acari expunham em seus corpos, em suas casas e nos muros da favela imagens e orações que remetiam ao universo religioso afro-brasileiro, na atualidade, acionam uma gramática pentecostal e pintam nos muros da favela salmos e outras passagens bíblicas. Se antes pediam proteção às mães-de-santo, agora pedem proteção às lideranças evangélicas e à comunidade de irmãos, assim como comemoram seus aniversários em cultos de ação de graça. A interface entre traficantes e evangélicos nas favelas estudadas, com destaque para Acari, vem produzindo, sustento, reequilíbrios de poder no interior do campo político e religioso local e, até, supralocal. / The objective of this thesis is to discuss how inhabitants of slums in Rio de Janeiro experiment security amid their quotidian which is permeated by insecurities, violence and social vulnerability. My central hypothesis is that the inhabitants of these localities envision in primordial loyalties (GEERZT, 2008 [1973]), in neighborhood relationships and in networks formed from the sense of belonging to religious institutions, specially the Pentecostals and Neopentecostals, the basis of the necessary security that enables the organization of their lives, their quotidian activities. I aimed to answer the questions that stimulated me from an ethnographic investment in two carioca slums: Santa Marta, located in Botafogo, South Zone and mainly Acari, located between neighborhoods in the North Zone of the city. Throughout the ethnography I carried out semi-structured interviews with evangelical inhabitants, drug traffickers, men, women, youngsters, elders and political and cultural leaderships. Parting from these interviews, as well as the informal conversations whit the other inhabitants of these slums, I could observe that they have great difficulty in experiencing constant security and trust, even in the cases of those who enjoy dense solidarity and protection networks based on kinship and/or sharing Pentecostal religious identities. The paranoia, the fear of gossip and of the enemy on de lookout takeover the lives of these people (and also of the traffickers) on the field. The course of the ethnography enabled a reflection about the importance of analytical articulation of two thematic axis for the study of the slum as an urban/social phenomenon today: religion and violence. That evaluation is fruit of the observation towards the approximation between traffickers who, in these localities, experienced new forms of expression of faith. If in the 1980-1990 decades the traffickers of Acari would expose on their bodies, in their houses and on the slum walls images and prayers the remitted to the afro-brazilian religious universe, currently, they put forward a Pentecostal grammar and paint psalms and other biblical parts on the walls of the slum. If they used to ask protection to the mother-of-saint, now they ask protection to evangelical leaders and the brotherhood community, as well as celebrate their birthdays in thanksgiving cults. The interface between traffickers and evangelicals in the studied communities, with emphasis to Acari, have been producing a livelihood and re-balancing of power in the local and even supra local political and religious field.