Jesus was a healer, but what may not be as obvious is that he started a legacy of healing. He passed on his skills and abilities to his followers at least three times. Though not as frequently, they continued to heal through the Book of Acts. The legacy continued in the Apocryphal Acts and other apocryphal materials spanning the early centuries of the common era. Secondary literature looks at modern scholarship and leans heavily into Rabbinic literature. Up to this point, other English-language works in healing have sorely lacked luster in providing. The exploration of the healing legacy of Jesus shifted to meet the skills and needs of the healers, patients, and communities involved. Further, the healings had a substantive resultant impact on various levels of socioeconomics for the parties, which is explored by reexamining each group type of healings, from lameness and paralytics to possession and resurrection, and more. The hope is that taking a holistic approach to these healings as possible will allow readers a new way of experiencing the early common era and these events that permeated everyone's lives at one time or another.

Thesis advisor: Christopher R. Matthews / Thesis advisor: Thomas D. Stegman / Previous scholarship on Paul in Acts focuses on reconstructing the historical Paul from a critical comparison of the discordant portraits of the apostle in the letters and in Luke’s second story. As such, the throbbing question that drove not a few scholars was “Which depiction reveals the real Paul?” With a productive surge in the narrative criticism of Acts, many literary critics have redirected their efforts to Luke’s sociologically tinged rhetoric, which undergirds a more pertinent concern: “What is Luke describing through his depiction of Paul?” Scholars representative of a narrative reading of Acts include: Richard I. Pervo, Daniel Marguerat, and François Bovon, to name a few. They all agree that the portrayal of Paul in Acts tells the reader more about the sociocultural situation of Luke’s group than about the historical Paul. Despite this scholarly achievement, the air of anti-Semitism still saturates the atmosphere of Acts scholarship. Hence, it is evident that narrative criticism by itself is insufficient to decipher the subtle rhetoric Luke employs to relate his story. Couched in a tensed tale of sibling rivalry, the familiar lexeme, “the Jews,” which is frequently correlated with the “Christian” Paul, is imbued with a subtle nuance: diaspora Jewishness. Neglectful of recent critical discussions on the parting of Judaism and early Christianity and the foci of the Redescribing Christian Origins project of the SBL, many well-intentioned narrative critics of Acts have succumbed to a traditional reading of Acts evincing an anti-Semitic worldview. This cannot be further from the truth. By contrast, I argue in this work that if narrative criticism is refined by means of the critical deductions of social scientists, and if these conclusions are polished by the perceptive study of historians of religion, it will lead to the articulation of a setting in which Luke’s project may be viewed as participating in “Jewishness.” In lieu of mirroring the replacement of Jewishness by Christianness, Luke’s narrative relates the tale of Christ-believing diaspora Jews who are steeped in imperial life and culture. The pseudo-dichotomy that is repeatedly reaffirmed by scholars thus should be jettisoned forthwith, because it is blind to the intricacies of social becoming and identity formation. Aided by studies in social identity and collective memory, Acts may be seen to reflect the fervent struggle of Christ-believing diaspora Jews who upheld the messiahship of Jesus, the non-Judaizing of pious Gentiles, and subservience to imperial authorities as signature traits of diaspora Jewishness: the dual commitment to Jewish ancestral customs and active participation in the Greco-Roman society. So Acts is definitely about Jewishness without precluding Romanness. The key to this clarification is the type of Jewishness Luke espouses—diaspora Jewishness. Approaches to Acts that reinforce a spurious dichotomy (i.e., Judean or Greco-Roman) are methodologically flawed, because they ignore the subtle rhetoric of Luke: overwhelmingly situating references to “the Jews” in coastal cities around the Aegean Sea, mostly Greece and Asia Minor. In line with the principles of literary cartography, Luke’s siting of “the Jews” in these cities has nuanced its denotation: diaspora Jews. Previous scholarship has ignored this subtlety and has created a hermeneutical quandary: Is Luke’s sociocultural milieu Judean or Greco-Roman? The story underlying Luke’s astute application of the familiar lexeme, “the Jews,” leaves no room for speculation or contradiction. The rhetoric is lucid: Jews residing in Asia Minor and Greece. These Jews are the historical referents of Acts. Hence, Luke’s second story evinces ideological tensions characteristic of social becoming and identity formation. Using the sociological principles espoused by Mark Currie, hostility is fiercer when competitors have more in common. The competing groups described in Acts are not dissimilar (Jews and Christians) but are rivals (non-Christ-believing diaspora Jews and Christ-believing diaspora Jews). Each earnestly strives to defend its unique understanding of diaspora Jewishness. Nor is Christianness indicative of a new “religion” but rather is a legitimate expression of diaspora Jewishness. / Thesis (STD) — Boston College, 2021. / Submitted to: Boston College. School of Theology and Ministry. / Discipline: Sacred Theology.

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This investigation of the Infancy Gospel of Thomas focuses on the question why the author of this infancy gospel narrated the mighty deeds – either received as blessings or as curses – as though the child Jesus were an adult. A possibility is that the author could have been inspired by tales from antiquity in which the heroic deeds of gods, emperors and philosophers were projected to their infancy. The study purports that the answer to this question is rather to be found in the combination of myth interpretation and societal expectations with regard to children in a Hellenistic-Semitic context. The purpose of this study is to investigate the history of the Greek manuscripts and the translation history of the Infancy Gospel of Thomas as a second century infancy gospel, secondly to identify as the most authentic text the eleventh century version thereof in Codex Sinaiticus (Gr 453) and to translate it into Afrikaans. The study demonstrates that the most likely context within which this Greek manuscript of the Infancy Gospel of Thomas was communicated most significantly was Ebionite early Christianity. By identifying and examining quotations from and allusions to the Infancy Gospel of Thomas in works by the church fathers and by comparing the Greek expressions and phrases in the Greek manuscript in Codex Sinaiticus (Gr 453) with those of versions in other Greek manuscripts and early translations, a Gnostic tradition in the message can by ruled out, while Ebionite traditions can be confirmed. The child Jesus is depicted as interacting positively with his biological family which signifies salvation for other Israelites. Such salvation manifests in the identification and recognition of the child’s divinity by the Israelite teachers. The study argues that the Greek version of the Infancy Gospel of Thomas in Codex Sinaiticus (Gr 453) represents the genre of a discursive-biographical gospel type and as a result, the narrative and argumentative structure of this infancy gospel is of great importance. So too is the phenomenon that the narrative argument of the Infancy Gospel of Thomas is cast in the form of the ancient god-child myth. In this myth the child acts as if he were an adult. This adult-like behaviour of the child Jesus is not interpreted in an allegorically way. Rather, as myth, the message is interpreted in a tautegoric manner and explained in a social scientific way. / Thesis (DLitt (Greek))--University of Pretoria, 2006. / Ancient Languages / unrestricted

This thesis is a study of the interpretation and reception of the writings attributed to the apostle Paul based on the collation of references to Pauline texts in pre-Nicene Christian writings. The material is analysed utilising a method worked out by Teresa Morgan and Raffaella Cribiore to understand the nature and extent of indebtedness to literary authorities in ancient pedagogy. The application of their method means that the most frequently cited passages from the Pauline corpus become the focus for detailed examination, and a chapter is devoted to the following passages: 1 Corinthians 2.6-16, Ephesians 6.10-17, 1 Corinthians 15.50-58, and Colossians 1.15-20. In each chapter, selections from early Christian texts which use these passages are chosen for in-depth analysis because they are representative in their interpretative approaches of the totality of texts examined. Across many different early Christian writings, images and phrases from these Pauline pericopes were used to support and defend a wide range of theological arguments about the nature of divine wisdom and its contrast with human wisdom, the importance of standing firm in faith, the nature of resurrection and the body, and the nature of Christ. On the basis of the analysis throughout this thesis, conclusions are drawn firstly, about the close connection between scriptural interpretation and theological doctrines; secondly, about early Christian formation, separate from scholarly attempts to recover early Christian catechesis, school teaching, and pedagogy; and finally, about early Christian identity and how it is formed and informed by early Christian use of these four passages.

Nos séculos IV e V ocorreram contínuos esforços por uma unificação e homogenização do credo cristão, algo que provocou o embate e o confronto entre as diversas vertentes, cada qual arrogava para si o título de verdadeiros cristãos e imputando aos seus adversários a alcunha de falsos cristãos. O ethos retórico cristão é constituído a partir da premissa de que haveria uma única Verdade, assim sendo, na medida em que ser cristão é, por definição, empreender a imitatio Christi, tentava-se determinar aquele que advoga por Cristo do dito herege. Em meio a estas intensas disputas retóricas, Agostinho de Hipona foi um dos autores de maior destaque, participando dos principais debates de sua época. O donatismo, o arianismo e o pelagianismo foram três dos seus principais adversários. Cada qual representando um diferente desafio, Agostinho necessitava responder e enfrentar estas vertentes na defesa do que ele acreditava ser a verdadeira via salvífica cristã. O donatismo foi considerado como um desdobramento das perseguições perpetradas por Diocleciano; estas teriam causado um cisma político e doutrinário, cindindo a Igreja cristã na África romana. O arianismo, uma dissidência trinitária e protagonista inconteste do século IV, defendia uma hierarquia dentro da Trindade e contestava sua própria definição. O pelagianismo, uma frequente preocupação de Agostinho nos seus últimos 20 anos, negava o conceito do pecado original e questionava papel da Graça divina na salvação. A partir da premissa de que o que estava realmente em jogo era a definição de qual das vertentes era verdadeiramente a portadora do legado de Cristo, a presente pesquisa procura comparar o processo de construção do ethos retórico destas três vertentes. Almeja-se, portanto, investigar o ethos retórico imputado por Agostinho aos seus adversários, cotejando os tratados polêmicos feitos pelo bispo de Hipona contra donatista, arianos e pelagianos. / There were continuous efforts in the 4th and 5th centuries aiming to unify and homogeneity of the Christian faith, causing clashes between different doctrines each one claiming to be the true Christians and calling the adversaries as false Christians. The Christian rhetorical ethos is constituted by the fundament that there is only one Truth: to be Christian is, by definition, undertaking the imitatio Christi. Then it would be possible to distinguish the one who preached for Christ and the one so -called heretical. Among those intense rhetorical disputes, Augustine of Hippo was one the most prominent authors, contributing to the greatest discussions from his time. Donatism, Arianism, and Pelagianism were his main enemies. Each one of them representing a different challenge, Augustine needed to answer and defy those three branches in defence of his own belief as the Christian redemption. The Donatism was seen as a development from the persecutions made by Emperor Diocletian, causing a political and doctrinal breaking causing the Christian Roman African Church division. The Arianism, a Trinitarian schism and without any doubt protagonist of the 4th century doctrinal debate, defending a hierarchy among the people of the Trinity, challenging its own concept. Pelagianism, a recurrent Augustines preoccupation in his last twenty years of life, denied the idea of original sin and defied the role of divine grace in the redemption. Based on the starting point the was actually in dispute was which one of these three branches were the true bearer of Christ legacy, this research aims to compare the construction process of the rhetoric ethos from those tree branches. In order to do that, this thesis investigates the rhetoric ethos ascribed for Augustine of Hippo to his adversaries, focusing on the polemic tracts made by Augustine of Hippo against the Donatists, Arians, and, Pelagians.

A passagem dos séculos I e II d.C. assistiu ao desenvolvimento de um cristianismo dinâmico na província romana da Ásia Proconsular, na costa egeia da Ásia Menor. Concomitante à ascensão política e econômica da região no contexto do Mediterrâneo em pleno Alto Império Romano, as comunidades cristãs locais apresentam um prolífico quadro doutrinal e ritual, o qual lhes confere destaque e as torna destinatárias da maior parte do curto epistolário de um personagem histórico tão marcante quanto enigmático: Inácio de Antioquia, que afirma ser o supervisor da igreja presente na grande metrópole síria, e que passa pela Ásia acorrentado a um pelotão de soldados, rumo à capital romana, para lá ser supostamente executado na arena. As cartas de Inácio sugerem a existência, em comunidades presentes em centros urbanos importantes da província, de um corpo de líderes fixos, dentre os quais destacando-se a figura de um único supervisor, do qual o prisioneiro defende a autoridade sobre todos os cristãos de uma mesma cidade. Uma análise de documentos datados de antes da composição do breve epistolário inaciano não oferece, contudo, bases para a afirmação de uma perenidade de tal forma de governo das comunidades cristãs asiáticas. Ao invés, uma leitura atenta das fontes aponta para um processo social de ligeira alteração dos referenciais de autoridade, de modo que, sobretudo após a morte do apóstolo Paulo de Tarso (principal fundador do cristianismo na Ásia Proconsular), um valor singular é dado a líderes homens que sejam reconhecidos publicamente como bons chefes de households. Nesse processo Inácio de Antioquia procura tomar parte, de modo a solidificar a autoridade do supervisor por meio de um incremento do alcance de seu controle social: ele prega, com autoarrogada autoridade profética, que o encarregado da supervisão da comunidade seja visto como a própria representação da figura divina e patriarcal de Deus Pai, e que apenas sob ele uma reunião ritual pode ser considerada válida. / The transit from the first to the second century CE saw the development of a dynamic Christianity in the Roman province of Asia Proconsularis, on the Aegean Asia Minor coast. Concomitant to the political and economic ascension of the region in the context of the Mediterranean, in plain Early Roman Empire, the local Christian communities show a prolific doctrinal and ritual frame, which give them highlighted status, and make them the recipients of most of the short epistolary of a historical character so outstanding as enigmatic: Ignatius of Antioch, who claims to be the overseer of the church in the great Syrian metropolis, and which goes through Asia bonded to a band of soldiers in way to the Roman capital, where he should, supposedly, be executed in the arena. The letters of Ignatius suggest the existence, in communities existent in the provinces main urban centers, of a group of fixed leaders, from which is detached the figure of the sole overseer. This overseers authority, the prisoner says, is extended over all the Christians living in a same city. However, an analysis of the documents dated from before the composition of the short Ignatian epistolary, do not offer basis to the affirmation of perennial status of such a way in governing the Asiatic Christian communities. To the contrary, a careful reading of the sources directs to a slight social process of change in the references of authority, in such a way that, especially after the death of the apostle Paul of Tarsus (main founder of Christianity in Asia Proconsularis), a special value is given to men leaders publicly recognized as good household chiefs. Ignatius of Antioch attempts to have a part in this process with the aim of solidifying the authority of the overseer by incrementing the range of his social control; he preaches, with selfproclaimed prophetic authority, that the one charged with community overseeing should be seen as the very representation of the divine and patriarchal figure of God the Father, and that only under him a ritual reunion could be considered as valid.

Background: This thesis aims to show that the narratives of the Nag Hammadi Apocalypse of Pauland First Apocalypse of James are written for a Valentinian audience. The purpose is to broaden the field of research on Valentinianism by showing how the authors and their implied readers composed and perceived the texts in question. Method: Comparing the mythological language of the two narratives and their description of a hero’s journey in a transcendent reality it is possible to disentangle the Valentinian material from the imaginative world of the reader, a world consisted of ancient Egyptian and Greek mythology as well as Jewish apocalypticism and early Christian legends and traditions. The texts are also compared with new research in the field, other related Valentinian scriptures, the New Testament, and Christian Apocrypha. Results: The texts are pseudepigraphic and written within a Jewish apocalyptic genre sometime during the late second or early third century. The symbolism and the diverse metaphors of the narratives indicate that the texts incorporate a specific soteriological message through embedded Valentinian mythology. The implied reader is to understand that the material world is an illusion and that the purpose of the initiate is to awaken the mind and acquire knowledge about the truth. By doing so the redemption of the believer’s spirit from its human body and soul leads to the spirits reunion with God. Conclusion: The analysis of the texts points toward the fact that the narratives could very well have been used for catechetical or other educational purposes within a Valentinian community. The language and form of the two narratives fit to serve this purpose. In many ways, the reader has to be initiated within a Valentinian context in order to grasp the intended message. / <p>Godkännande datum 2019-06-10</p>

<p>This thesis aims to investigate and discuss the possibility for women in the early Christian church to make music, which in the ancient Roman society was something complicated. Afemale musician was looked upon as decadent and dissolute. This idea, in combination with the music ideals of the church influenced by the Neoplatonic movement, and the Pauline statement (1 Cor. 14:34-36), cast women to be completely prohibited in participating even in the psalmody during the service. My purpose is to discuss how this was looked upon in different Christian regions, using the church fathers as the main material source, since this has not previously been well documented or studied.</p>