This thesis takes the critical incident of the suicide of a part-time lecturer in South Korea in 2010 and the subsequent policy response as paradigmatic of the problems of governing higher education. In terms of theoretical resources, it draws on state theories, especially a cultural approach to the state, in order to understand the multiple relations and the interplay of different layers of governing practices in the governing of higher education in South Korea. This thesis argues that mainstream theories of the state are often culturally 'blind' and that the specificities of the Korean state need to be understood with reference to its particular culture, history and context. The thesis also draws on literature on higher education governance, from which three governing principles are identified as topics for investigation, along with a process-oriented approach to professionalism. The research question emerging from this is 'how does the centrality of the Korean state play out in the governing of higher education in South Korea?' Methodologically, the enquiry is shaped by critical discourse analysis (CDA). This approach explores the ways in which higher education governing discourses are related to other social elements. By analysing policy texts and institutional characteristics, the first phase of the enquiry explores how the governing discourses have been indigenised, constructing particular state-academy relations in South Korea. The second phase scrutinises the case of part-time lecturer policy in order to illuminate the distinctive governing dynamics, by which the centrality of the Korean state is assumed to be practised.

The main theme of this thesis is the relation between education governance and social inclusion and exclusion. Overall the thesis is based on a life history approach were biographical interviews with young people are complemented with other contextual data such as survey data, longitudinal statistics, interviews with local politicians and school actors and local reports. Data were generated in three Swedish areas: a rural area in the North, an advantaged segregated area, and a disadvantaged segregated area in the South. The thesis consists of four articles that use the concepts of biography, space, and mobility. Article 1. examines the increasing usage of biographical registers in school. It suggests that biography as a form of education governance serves to construct the students as both objects for assessment and as a relay for continuous self-assessment. As such, this is a socio-political technology that is important to acknowledge in order to understand processes of social inclusion and exclusion. Article 2. addresses the following empirically generated question: How is it possible to understand the fact that disadvantaged students from a segregated area have such optimistic future orientations in relation to further education and work? Building on life history interviews with a small sample of refugee youth from a disadvantaged segregated area the paper presents a concept labelled Utopian diaspora biography (UDB). UDB describes a process whereby a high level of aspiration concerning education and labour is accumulated as a consequence of the social, temporal and spatial dynamic of the biography. Article 3. is an attempt to develop new understandings about local production of social inclusion and exclusion in a decentralised, individualised and segregated school landscape. Using a wide range of data the article suggests that local differences concerning schooling and the outcomes of schooling – both in terms of statistical patterns and the identities produced – are interrelated and are based on an amalgamation of local policy implementation, material conditions and spatially guided representations. Article 4. deploys the concept of mobility in order to explore how space and class become related to education and social inclusion and exclusion in the three chosen areas as young people are spatially situated but move, want to move, dream about moving, try to move, and fail to move through, in and out of different forms of communities. This paper shows that the possibilities of moving to desired places on the education- and labour market are unequally distributed between young people and between places. The analysis also seeks to move beyond schematic typologies such as those of ‘immobile working class’ and ‘mobile middle class’ by exploring how mobility is made meaningful and how notions about mobility are structured and enable action. In summary, the thesis contributes to the discussion on processes of inclusion and exclusion in contemporary society. These processes are understood as inter-disciplinary problematics that include the social production of spatiality, historicality, and sociality at both the societal level and on the level of identity. Crucial aspects concern aestheticisation and performativity in education which imply an increasing focus on discursive, or textual, dimensions of identity formation and the competitive strategies developed by students in order to secure social inclusion through the marketing of oneself. Under these circumstances, new identities and new forms of social inclusion and exclusion are produced.

The political motives for reinstating national school inspection in 2003 and reinforcing it through the establishment of the Swedish School Inspectoratein 2008 stressed the necessity of sufficient state involvement in order to retain and ensure nationwide educational quality and equivalence. Since then, additional political efforts have been made to intensify and exercise national state control over education. On July 1, 2011, the Education Act gave the agency enhanced legal support. The aim of this study was to describe and analyze a sample of school leaders' stories of the regular inspection that have been conducted in their schools since the legal changes came into force. School leaders of 20 compulsory schools were interviewed. Theinterviews were analyzed and the results were presented in eight themes. In the following analysis, change mechanisms that had been initiated in the schools during the inspection process were examined through a theoretical framework of evaluation influence. The results from the second analys is also illustrated conceivable forms of pathways that link inspection processes to inspection outcomes. Finally, the empirical findings were discussed in terms of constitutive effects and education governance. The study was a part of the research project "Governing by inspection. School inspection and education governance in Sweden, England and Scotland".

Esta dissertação constitui um trabalho exploratório, que por abordagens qualitativas, discute a política pública PROUNI e a governança educacional brasileira frente o papel do Estado contemporâneo. Por governança educacional, e mais especificamente governança do ensino superior brasileiro, o trabalho identifica atores, relações e condições por quais o Estado, enquanto coordenador da oferta de educação, constrói um sistema mais ou menos sedimentado na ação de organizações privadas de ensino superior. No processo de evolução da atual configuração do sistema brasileiro de ensino superior, especialmente a partir dos governos da ditadura militar (mas já antes), não houve orientação estratégica para o avanço em direção à universalização da universidade pública. Os resultados da pesquisa exploratória baseada em entrevistas semiestruturadas com representantes do aparelho do Estado e na análise de dados públicos do segmento indicaram que o PROUNI pode ser considerado como uma política pública bem-sucedida em seu escopo ao amenizar um problema histórico, a saber, o índice de acesso ao ensino superior no Brasil. O confronto com dados e documentos oficiais de instituições como o Ministério da Educação e da Controladoria Geral da União indicam que esta e outras políticas geram um novo tipo de desafio, ou oportunidade, que é o crescimento dos fatores oferta e propriedade sob instituições privadas de ensino, em sua maioria lucrativas, dispondo do amparo de outras relevantes políticas de financiamento, enquanto o Estado se converte em uma instituição de maior atribuição regulatória. Entendemos que o PROUNI é uma política pública imbricada num sistema de ensino superior de interesses difusos e oferta partilhada que logra avanços na inclusão democrática ao ensino superior, marginalmente gerando ganhos econômicos desacompanhada de proporcional supervisão por qualidade. Destarte, o trabalho levanta o apontamento de que, seja pela disciplina fiscal ou legislativa, medidas de equilíbrio devem ser tomadas com vistas à maximização do retorno social da operação destes grupos, garantindo que a educação não seja apenas um ativo secundário a ser regulado numa zona cinzenta entre direito e produto / This work is an exploratory work, which in qualitative approaches, discusses the public policy PROUNI (University for All Program) and Brazilian educational governance facing of the role of the contemporary state. For educational governance, and more specifically the governance of Brazilian higher education, this work identifies actors, relations and conditions by which the State, as coordinator of education provision, building a more or less settled system in the action of private organizations of higher education. In the process of evolution of the current configuration of our higher education system, especially from the military dictatorship period governments (but even before), there was no strategic orientation towards an universal public university system. The results of exploratory research based on semi-structured interviews with representatives of the state apparatus and the segment of the public data analysis indicated that the PROUNI can be considered as a successful public policy in its scope to soften a historical problem, namely, the access rate to higher education in Brazil. The confrontation with data and official documents, such as those issued by the Ministry of Education and other institutions like the Unions General Controllership, indicates that this and other associated policies (namely the Higher Education Students Financial Fund - FIES) generate a new kind of challenge, or opportunity, which is the growth of the supply and ownership factors held by private higher education institutions, mostly for-profit, with the provision of public financial support of other relevant funding policies, while the State converts itself in an institution of greater regulatory assignment. We understand that PROUNI is a type of public policy imbricated in our peculiar higher education system, leaded by diffuse interests and shared offering, that achieves progress in democratic inclusion to higher education, marginally generating economic gains with no proportional quality supervision. Thus, the work raises the note that, whether by fiscal or legislative discipline, balance measures should be taken in order to maximize the social return of the operation of these groups, ensuring that education is not only a secondary asset to be regulated in a gray zone between a right and a product

The theme of this thesis is the involvement of employees from business/industry in the governance of state schools in England and Wales. Following a conceptual analysis and the identification of imprecision in the relevant legislation, the research was designed in two phases. The Phase 1 survey examined the extent of that involvement in 1994 and built up a profile of employee-governors, including their personal and company characteristics. A questionnaire was used to gather descriptive and enumerative data from the school governors employed by twelve national companies, with further qualitative data amassed through some open questions on the questionnaire a,!d from semi-structured interviews of company managers. From 1995 to 1997, Phase 2 assessed the purposes, functions and skills of governors from this sector, through a quasi-experimental design which gathered pre-test and post-test data from thirty-five co-opted business/industrial governors, their headteachers and their chairs of governors. A Likert-type scaling instrument and focus group discussions were used. The main findings from the 1994 survey were that there were few governors from business and industry and even fewer were in governance to represent that sector of the community; most were parent governors. These governors and their company managers felt, however, that there were appreciable benefits to be gained from company employees being school governors. Phase 2 showed that the sample of specifically co-opted business/industrial governors adopted the distinctive purposes of objectivity and non-executive judgement, and brought generic management skills to governance through their company experience at a strategic level. These skills were especially appreciated in inner city schools. The research was the first study of governors from across business and industry and advanced the first model of practice related to purpose for governors from this sector of the community. Aspects of this model have been used to inform the Labour Government's policy for recruiting business/industrial governors for inner city schools.

Esta dissertação constitui um trabalho exploratório, que por abordagens qualitativas, discute a política pública PROUNI e a governança educacional brasileira frente o papel do Estado contemporâneo. Por governança educacional, e mais especificamente governança do ensino superior brasileiro, o trabalho identifica atores, relações e condições por quais o Estado, enquanto coordenador da oferta de educação, constrói um sistema mais ou menos sedimentado na ação de organizações privadas de ensino superior. No processo de evolução da atual configuração do sistema brasileiro de ensino superior, especialmente a partir dos governos da ditadura militar (mas já antes), não houve orientação estratégica para o avanço em direção à universalização da universidade pública. Os resultados da pesquisa exploratória baseada em entrevistas semiestruturadas com representantes do aparelho do Estado e na análise de dados públicos do segmento indicaram que o PROUNI pode ser considerado como uma política pública bem-sucedida em seu escopo ao amenizar um problema histórico, a saber, o índice de acesso ao ensino superior no Brasil. O confronto com dados e documentos oficiais de instituições como o Ministério da Educação e da Controladoria Geral da União indicam que esta e outras políticas geram um novo tipo de desafio, ou oportunidade, que é o crescimento dos fatores oferta e propriedade sob instituições privadas de ensino, em sua maioria lucrativas, dispondo do amparo de outras relevantes políticas de financiamento, enquanto o Estado se converte em uma instituição de maior atribuição regulatória. Entendemos que o PROUNI é uma política pública imbricada num sistema de ensino superior de interesses difusos e oferta partilhada que logra avanços na inclusão democrática ao ensino superior, marginalmente gerando ganhos econômicos desacompanhada de proporcional supervisão por qualidade. Destarte, o trabalho levanta o apontamento de que, seja pela disciplina fiscal ou legislativa, medidas de equilíbrio devem ser tomadas com vistas à maximização do retorno social da operação destes grupos, garantindo que a educação não seja apenas um ativo secundário a ser regulado numa zona cinzenta entre direito e produto / This work is an exploratory work, which in qualitative approaches, discusses the public policy PROUNI (University for All Program) and Brazilian educational governance facing of the role of the contemporary state. For educational governance, and more specifically the governance of Brazilian higher education, this work identifies actors, relations and conditions by which the State, as coordinator of education provision, building a more or less settled system in the action of private organizations of higher education. In the process of evolution of the current configuration of our higher education system, especially from the military dictatorship period governments (but even before), there was no strategic orientation towards an universal public university system. The results of exploratory research based on semi-structured interviews with representatives of the state apparatus and the segment of the public data analysis indicated that the PROUNI can be considered as a successful public policy in its scope to soften a historical problem, namely, the access rate to higher education in Brazil. The confrontation with data and official documents, such as those issued by the Ministry of Education and other institutions like the Unions General Controllership, indicates that this and other associated policies (namely the Higher Education Students Financial Fund - FIES) generate a new kind of challenge, or opportunity, which is the growth of the supply and ownership factors held by private higher education institutions, mostly for-profit, with the provision of public financial support of other relevant funding policies, while the State converts itself in an institution of greater regulatory assignment. We understand that PROUNI is a type of public policy imbricated in our peculiar higher education system, leaded by diffuse interests and shared offering, that achieves progress in democratic inclusion to higher education, marginally generating economic gains with no proportional quality supervision. Thus, the work raises the note that, whether by fiscal or legislative discipline, balance measures should be taken in order to maximize the social return of the operation of these groups, ensuring that education is not only a secondary asset to be regulated in a gray zone between a right and a product

Magister Administrationis - MAdmin / The study of student politics in Africa has evolved in the last decade from a focus on non-institutionalised student activism and student movements to institutionalised student political participation in institutions of higher education. Thus it followed a development route in which student leadership had to find new ways in which to organise their movements in institutional, national and continental political organisations to influence policy and remain relevant in students’ lives. Since this study focuses on one particular dimension of this change, the study seeks to understand the relationship between student leaders in Makerere University, Kampala, and political parties in Uganda. The specific focus of the study is on highlighting the reasons for establishing and maintaining the relationship; the arrangements necessary for the relationship to exist, and how the relationship impacts on the ability of student leaders to represent students’ interests. Following an analysis of the relevant literature in line with the topic, it was decided that a mixed methods approach would be suitable for the study. Hence in-depth interviews were conducted with student leaders and leaders of national political parties and an online survey targeting all undergraduate students at Makerere University was done (as part of a larger study). Theoretically, the study adopted a framework originally proposed by Schmitter and Streeck (1999), and adapted it to study the relationship between student leaders and political parties, drawing also on the insights of studies that had previously used adaptations of the same framework to study student leadership in other contexts. The study found a continuing historical relationship between student leaders of Makerere University and political parties in Uganda. It found that a significant number of students are members of a political party, whereby student leaders are most likely not only to be ordinary party members, but party leaders. Political parties use the student guild elections to recruit new members. As part of being members of a political party, student leaders tend to be more influential in weak political parties, in contrast to a ruling party which is more influential in student politics given its ability to provide access to government resources. Moreover, the relationship is such that student leaders from Makerere University are most likely to end up in powerful political positions in the country (e.g. Byaruhanga, 2006; Mugume and Katusiimeh, 2014); this situation corresponds to the reasons that student leaders give for establishing relationships with political parties in the first place, as most student leaders have future political ambitions. The most influential organisations in student politics appear to be political parties, followed by cultural groups on campus. The study also highlights weaknesses in formal institutional governance structures given that student leaders believe their problems are better addressed in personal networks with members of university management staff than through the committee system. The relationship between student leaders and political parties generally leads to positive developments such as student leadership training in democratic politics; consequently they are even able to satisfy their personal interests in the process. It is further argued that students who are not in leadership positions mostly gain indirectly from the benefits that student leaders may derive from their relationship with political parties. For example, student leaders may govern their organisation better. However the evidence also strongly shows that such indirect gains are highly compromised in cases where student leaders have future political ambitions, as they may sacrifice the students’ interests in order to maintain their good reputation in the party. Since most student leaders aspire to be politicians in future, the study concludes by acknowledging that the relationship between student leaders and political parties has some positive consequences to students not involved in leadership, but they are outweighed by negative consequences. Hence it is argued in the conclusion that, taking into account the scope of this study, the relationship is largely a distraction to the student leaders rather than assisting them in enhancing their ability to represent students’ concerns.

Latin American countries have shifted from a model of education governance based on hierarchical rules and centralized authority to a results-driven model with shared responsibility among state and non-state actors. Yet, adopted governance models show remarkable cross-national variation. This dissertation aims at explaining this variation amid convergence through the qualitative comparative analysis of education governance in Chile, Argentina, and Colombia during three distinct periods of development, namely centralized education planning from the standpoint of manpower needs (1960s-1970s), market-oriented governance mechanisms (1980s-1990s), and accountability-oriented education for all (2000s-2010s). This analysis demonstrates that while diffusion of widely recognized policy ideas about education governance produces convergence, political contestation of domestic organized actors produces variation that ranges from full adoption to outright rejection of foreign recommendations. My study qualifies insights from institutional and diffusion theories by specifying the conditions in which domestic actors are able to modify both, domestic institutions and powerful foreign ideas. / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / Education reforms in several Latin American countries follow a global trend characterized by at least three changes: 1) from selective student recruitment towards the universalization of secondary education and school choice for families; 2) from a centralized curriculum towards curricular autonomy; and 3) from student evaluation exclusively delegated to teachers towards national standardized tests. Yet, adopted governance models show remarkable cross-national variation. Chile has traditionally emulated global ideas and become a quasi-market of education. Argentina was more reluctant to global norms and made only moderate changes to the state-run governance model. Finally, Colombia left the education of the wealthy to the market, while centralized the authority over the education of the poor. Through a comparative historical analysis of these three countries, this study explains the way in which global ideas are domestically translated through the interaction between diffusion mechanisms, domestic policy legacies, and the ability of domestic actors to negotiate the implementation of foreign recommendations. The evidence provided by this dissertation suggests that the level of organization, the closeness to the decision-making process, and the impact of the power resources of supporters and opponents of global ideas define the extent to what these ideas are adopted. If global ideas favor the interests of powerful actors and opposition is weak the more likely result is the emulation of foreign recommendations. Yet, the more the opposition obtains resources to force powerful actors to bargain, the more the chances for global norms to be resisted or rejected. This analysis explains how the encounter between global norms and domestic institutions shapes processes of domestic institutional entrepreneurship and uncovers paths through which this entrepreneurship is more likely to produce emulation or rejection of global ideas. This dissertation qualifies insights of historical and sociological institutionalisms and contributes to the literature on education policy globalization.

Governance is one aspect of university restructuring that in the last 20 years has become ubiquitous worldwide. The restructuring is in part a response to calls for improving governance in higher education. Keller (1983), for example, describes governance in higher education as limiting the capability of universities to make critical strategic decisions. Higher education researchers are seeking to understand governance restructuring. A few studies have been conducted in the United States of America, the United Kingdom, and Europe. However, developing countries in the Western World have also recognized the limitations of traditional higher education governance and have restructured their systems. This has prompted a need for research on higher education governance restructuring in developing nations. In the English speaking Caribbean, governance restructuring occurred in 1984 and 1996 at the University of the West Indies (UWI) and occurred again between 2004 and 2008. The purpose of this study was to examine the most recent governance restructuring at the UWI. The focus was on exploring three dimensions of organizational change: the antecedents or the factors that prompted the change in governance, the content of the change, and the change process. Three categories of antecedents were discovered: organizational, environmental, and relational antecedents. The organizational antecedent had two sub-themes: performance aspiration and institutional coherence. The environmental antecedents were global competition among nation states, competition from other tertiary education providers, and stakeholders' demands for greater access to higher education. The relational antecedent was a desire to strengthen the relationship with external stakeholders. Four themes related to the content of restructuring emerged from the data: (a) incremental change; (b) corporate/managerial decision-making approach; (c) university-wide strategic planning; and (d) responsiveness to stakeholder demands/needs. Using an archetype approach, the analysis revealed that although the UWI retained the collegiate archetype tradition, elements of another archetype were infused with the collegiate model creating a hybridized governance system. The process of the restructuring revealed three broad stages: initiation, negotiation, and the implementation stage. Collectively, the results suggest that UWI is moving, albeit slowly, away from collegiate governance towards a managerial model. More research is needed to explore the long-term impact of this shift. / Ph. D.

Thesis (PhD (Education))--Stellenbosch University, 2008. / The dissertation investigates whether liberal conceptions of autonomy are relevant to higher education in African. And if they are relevant, the dissertation further examines the extent to which liberal conceptions of autonomy can enhance governance arrangements of the higher education system. The focus of the research is on governance arrangements. It proceeds by exploring selected cases of African universities in order to show that these universities function autonomously along a continuum of less autonomous to more autonomous (or substantively autonomous) systems, and argues that universities with the least autonomy can be said to function as less liberal institutions and those with more autonomy function as liberal universities. Different philosophical conceptions of autonomy are examined (in Chapter 4) to foreground what may be considered as constitutive meanings or marks of liberal autonomy. The constituent elements include freedom, rationality and objectivity, authenticity and identity, responsibility, critical thinking, and the enhancement of a vibrant critical community. This discussion has considered autonomy from a specific historical context of conceptual theorisation. In view of this, autonomy can be considered as more liberal and / or less liberal depending on the characteristics of the constituent elements. A continuum exists in conceptions of autonomy. This dissertation argues for a liberal communitarian position of autonomy where the “encumbered self” is acknowledged together with its life circumstances (Callan, 1997; Sandel, 1984). The recognition of the situatedness of being further sustains the concept of a deliberative process of engagement and promotes the public good. The dissertation has also examined the development of higher education in Germany, England and the United States in order to understand how conceptions of autonomy in each of these systems have developed against the background of the particular societies at the different historical moments. For instance, Wittrock‟s (1993) account of the universities in Western Europe, England and iv America acknowledges that as much as universities are situational; that universities are neither disembodied nor mindless in terms of how they frame their missions, yet again the same universities represent a particular function and identity as reflective spaces in different societies across generations. This discussion has further looked at university autonomy through the symbolisms of the University of Reason, the University of Culture, and the University of Excellence (Readings, 1996). Chapter Five has argued that neoliberalism and globalisation can make university governance less autonomous. Despite that neoliberalism and globalisation have been ushered in to make the university space the most dynamic in research and technology, such an approach has ushered in a competition-concentrated model of higher education in Europe and America (Scott, 2006: 129-130). While acknowledging that “ economic and technological forces have impacted on the university, undermining some of its modernist assumptions based on the idea of autonomy and underpinned by academic self-governance”, Delanty (2004: 248-249) considers these shifts and forces as multidirectional and not uni-linear in the sense of one replacing another. The dissertation argues that the African higher education system has similarly been affected by globalisation and neo-liberalism. Despite their being founded on notions of freedom, globalisation and neoliberalism undermine the practice and governance of higher education on the African continent. This dissertation argues that the function of universities is not just to focus on its economic extension but also and more importantly its civic role, and proposes that higher education in Africa can fulfil its civic role by the creation of a cosmopolitan citizen. In this way, the African university has a real chance to widen its autonomy. In conclusion, the implications of this envisaged civic role of the university on academic freedom and institutional autonomy are also examined.