The reporting of the media will never be an exact copy of reality. Through medias way of presenting, or framing, the world that surround us all they must also affect our interpretation of it. The role of the journalist includes both chosing and excluding in the way they describe things. Studies have been made by the wellknown mediaresearcher, Kent Asp, that show how media reported in more negative wordings about Mona Sahlin, than her opponent Fredrik Reinfeldt in the period building up to the swedish elections 2010. The purpose of our study has been to compare how these politicians were being described, or framed, in the media, in regards to their gender.Our study has shown that Mona Sahlin more often than Fredrik Reinfeldt was described as being less knowledgeable, and were mentioned in the context of scandals or conflicts. Sahlin was also, more often than Reinfeldt, mentioned in articles where the subjects of healthcare, schooling and education, and equality between men and women. Where as Reinfeldt was, more often than Sahlin, mentioned in articles where the subjects were the labour market, economy and foreign politics.

<p><strong>Purpose </strong>The purpose is to analyze the parliamentary parties political communication in the social media channels before the election 2010.</p><p><strong>Methodology </strong>This essay is a descriptive study from nine interviews of the responsible people in the parliamentary parties. In addition to that two more interviews were done with social media experts</p><p><strong>Theoretical perspective </strong>This essay is based on two-way communication and communication strategies</p><p><strong>Conclusions </strong>The parliamentary parties use social media as a complement to traditional media. The purpose is to create dialog and to minimize the gap to the voters, but in many ways it is being used as a one-way communication channel.  The parliamentary parties are trying to use the social media channels in Swedish conditions, but in many ways they try to imitate an American used strategy.</p>

Purpose The purpose is to analyze the parliamentary parties political communication in the social media channels before the election 2010. Methodology This essay is a descriptive study from nine interviews of the responsible people in the parliamentary parties. In addition to that two more interviews were done with social media experts Theoretical perspective This essay is based on two-way communication and communication strategies Conclusions The parliamentary parties use social media as a complement to traditional media. The purpose is to create dialog and to minimize the gap to the voters, but in many ways it is being used as a one-way communication channel.  The parliamentary parties are trying to use the social media channels in Swedish conditions, but in many ways they try to imitate an American used strategy.

Syftet med studien är att utifrån Sverigedemokraternas valkampanjfilm undersöka hur de planerade kommunikationsverktygen profil, identitet och image tolkas utifrån tre olika perspektiv. Under studiens gång har vi genomfört strukturerade intervjuer med tre medlemmar inom Sverigedemokraterna, en semiotisk filmanalys av partiets valkampanjfilm och utfört enkätundersökningar med 100 röstberättigade elever vid Erik Dahlbergsgymnasiet.   Studiens resultat visar att Sverigedemokraternas profil stämmer överens med valkampanjfilmens identitet. Gällande image anser partiet att allmänhetens tolkning inte stämmer överens med partiets profil. Ett problem som Sverigedemokraterna säger sig ligga i att media har kommunicerat en felaktig bild av partiet.   Vår semiotiska filmanalys visar att Sverigedemokraternas budskap framgår tydligt i valkampanjfilmen genom att visa hur invandringen kostar mycket, samtidigt som pensionärerna blir drabbade. Studiens resultat visar även att mer än hälften av eleverna på Erik Dahlbergsgymnasiet hade en negativ inställning till Sverigedemokraterna och 70 procent ansåg att individerna i valkampanjfilmen framställs orättvist. / This study will investigate how the Sweden Democrats' use the planned communication tools: profile, identity and image in their election campaign film. We have during the study used three different perspectives: structured interviews with three members of the Sweden Democrats, a semiotic film analysis of the party's election campaign film and performed a survey of 100 voting students at Erik Dahlbergsgymnasiet.   The results of the study have demonstrated that the Sweden Democrats' profile is consistent with the campaign film's identity. The Sweden Democrats believes that the image of the party is not consistent with the party's profile. The problem that the Sweden Democrats claim to be medias fault. Our semiotic film analysis shows that the Sweden Democrats' message is clear in the election campaign by showing how immigration is expensive, while pensioners are affected. Our results also show that more than half of the students at Erik Dahlbergsgymnasiet had a bias against the Sweden Democrats and 70 percent felt that the individuals in the election campaign film were represented wrong.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:14:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 4715.pdf: 16730774 bytes, checksum: d768455056e10756be408d6e470403c0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-08-22 / Financiadora de Estudos e Projetos / The objective of this thesis was to discuss the election of 2010 under the bias of print journalism. The analysis was made by the editorial in the Folha de S.Paulo and O Estado de S.Paulo. We had as hypothesis that newspapers represent concepts and ideas of the reading public medium that would influence the editorial published in the coverage of the three major presidential candidates. Then, we compare the final result of the election with the different approaches of the editorials in relation to candidates in order to know whether an editorial could influence the election or not. The theory was founded on the philosophy of language, concept and method created by Mikhail Bakhtin and based on ideological correctness of the text and context, relating the socio-historical moment. The theory was founded on the philosophy of language, concept and method created by Mikhail Bakhtin and based on the correlation of the text and ideological context, relating the socio-historical moment. The qualitative results showed that O Estado de S.Paulo quoted 14.02% of 442 collected texts cited presidential candidates, while the Folha de S.Paulo quoted presidential candidates in 22.8% of 285 texts - with the name appearing Rousseff on average 59 times, Jose Serra quoted 37.5 and Marina Silva quote 10.5. The qualitative result proved the trajectory of incandescent Election: Nine themes were prevalent in newspaper articles and revealed a complex scenario of the race to the presidency. We observed that the effect of former President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva and political scandals have earned high relief - generating protests from editorial writers - highlighting the role of the press watchdog - to the point of the O Estado de S.Paulo first take position in an election. In the other one was related issues directly with the electoral rules, the relationship with government plans while the other (FARC, Abortion/religion and Privatization) resumed discourses that traditionally appear at critical moments in which it is called when it is necessary to trigger the review public. / O objetivo desta tese foi abordar a Eleição de 2010 sob o viés do jornalismo impresso. A análise foi feita pelos editoriais da Folha de S.Paulo e O Estado de S.Paulo. Tínhamos como hipótese primeira que os jornais representam conceitos e ideias do público leitor médio, o que influenciaria no que os editoriais publicaram na cobertura dos três principais candidatos à presidência. Depois, buscamos comparar o resultado final do pleito com as diversas abordagens dos editoriais em relação aos candidatos a fim de saber se um editorial poderia influenciar ou não a eleição. A base teórica foi fundada na Filosofia da Linguagem, conceito e método criado pelo russo Mikhail Bakhtin que se apoia na correlação ideológica do texto e contexto, relacionando o momento sócio-histórico. O resultado qualitativo mostrou que O Estado de S.Paulo citou 14,02% de 442 textos coletados citavam os presidenciáveis, enquanto a Folha de S.Paulo citou os presidenciáveis em 22,8% dos 285 textos com o nome de Dilma Rousseff aparecendo em média 59 vezes, José Serra 37,5 citação e Marina Silva com 10,5. O resultado qualitativo mostrou a trajetória candente da Eleição: nove temas foram preponderantes nos textos jornalísticos e revelaram um cenário complexo da corrida ao Palácio do Planalto. Pudemos constatar que o efeito do ex-presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva e os escândalos políticos ganharam alto relevo gerando protestos dos editorialistas ressaltando o papel da imprensa cão de guarda até o ponto do O Estado de S.Paulo pela primeira vez assumir posição em uma eleição. Nos demais temas um foi relacionado diretamente com as regras eleitorais, a relação com os planos de governo enquanto os outros (FARC, Aborto/religião e Privatização) reassumiram discursos que aparecem tradicionalmente nos momentos críticos em que se é convocado quando é preciso acionar a opinião pública.

The diploma thesis deals with the analysis of British party system and its special features, with the focus on the main political parties in Great Britain, their history, their development and the current position within the system. The thesis employs methods of analysis of specialized sources in the English language mainly. The aim of the first part is to provide theoretical knowledge to establish background for better understanding the rest of the thesis. The following part of the thesis deals with the main political parties in Great Britain, their development, programs and their current position in the system. The most important part of the thesis is the last one, which focuses on Liberal Democratic Party, its beginnings, development and puts emphasis on the two last elections in 2010 and 2015. There is an attempt to provide an opinion on what were the reasons of the election results depending on election program, electorate and other specifications.

Over the course of the last few years, a new movement has taken the American political system by storm, the Tea Party. The movement has not only captivated our media but also the minds of ordinary Americans and political elites. According to popular consensus and academic opinion, the Tea Party is comprised of a group of conservative-leaning Republicans who want a smaller government and a lesser tax burden. This is what we think of the Tea Party, but is it true? It is perceived that Tea Party members differ significantly from their Republican colleagues in the House of Representatives, but do they? Do they truly represent the Tea Party philosophy and agenda? By creating an original data set on the Republican members of the United States House of Representatives, and examining variables such as the political lean, economic and employment make-up of a member's district, their endorsements and incumbency, as well as high priority legislative votes from the 112th Congress, I will be able to investigate the characteristics and tendencies of Tea Party Caucus members. Once one looks at the 242 member House Republican Caucus and further examines the sixty members of the Tea Party Caucus, the data shows that Tea Party Caucus members largely originate from safe Republican districts and have served in previous congressional terms. Analysis shows that Tea Party Caucus members do vary significantly from their House Republican colleagues when examining their districts, but do not vary as considerably when examining their voting patterns.