Esse trabalho busca apresentar os principais estudos, teorias e métodos de pesquisa da subdisciplina geografia eleitoral, desde os primeiros estudos de mapeamento eleitoral de André Siegfried, na França, e Frederick Turner, no EUA, até a perspectiva de análise eleitoral baseada nos lugares, de John Agnew. Em um segundo momento, discutimos os estudos sobre a influência do contexto no comportamento eleitoral. Argumentamos que os indivíduos do ponto de vista contextual seriam influenciados em dois níveis: por suas redes sociais de contato e de comunicação política, e pelo contexto geográfico ao seu redor, onde ocorrem as práticas sociais cotidianas. Na parte empírica do trabalho, usamos a técnica estatística de análise fatorial para identificar os períodos de mudança e estabilidade nos padrões espaciais de votação das eleições presidenciais de 1989 a 2014. Encontramos um período de estabilidade (voto normal) de 2006 a 2014, com uma clivagem regional norte/sul entre PT e PSDB. Por fim, a partir da hipótese que a mobilidade espacial e as redes de interação social modulariam a influência do contexto no comportamento eleitoral discutimos os resultados de uma análise de dados de surveys, aplicados na cidade de São Paulo em 2016. / This work seeks to present the main studies, theories, and research methods of the Electoral Geography subdiscipline, from the André Siegfrieds first studies of electoral mapping in France, the Frederick Turners in the United States, to the John Agnews place based electoral analysis perspective. After that, we discuss the studies about the context influence on electoral behaviour. We argue that, from the contextual point of view, individual electoral behaviour would be influenced on two levels: by its social networks of contacts and political communication, and by its surrounding geographical context, where everyday social interactions occur. In the empirical section of our work, we use the factorial analysis statistical technique to identify the periods of change and stability of spatial patterns during the presidential elections from 1989 to 2014. We find a stability period (normal vote) from 2006 to 2014, with a North-South regional cleavage between PT party and PSDB party. Finally, through the hypothesis that spatial mobility and networks of social interaction modulate contexts influence on electoral behaviour, we discuss the results of an analysis of data from a survey held in São Paulo city in 2016.

Este trabalho aborda a questão regional enquanto uma estratégia dos partidos na arena eleitoral. Ao acrescentar a dimensão partidária aos trabalhos que advogam pela regionalização dos distritos eleitorais de elevada magnitude, o intuito foi mostrar que é do sistema eleitoral, sobretudo da lista aberta, da magnitude e da estrutura da competição que emanam os incentivos à subdistritalização. Como uma perspectiva teórica alternativa à solução distributivista, o argumento é que o sistema eleitoral traz o elemento regional ao plano das decisões partidárias, isto é, a subdistritalização ocorreria em decorrência da ação intencional política que, com isso, garantiria a diminuição ou a ausência da competição intrapartidária no território. O resultado da análise da lista de candidatos brasileira reforça que o meio social e o político respondem aos fatores regionais, que influencia suas atitudes e estratégias. Por meio de uma dinâmica não política, mas geoespacial partidos encontram estratégias para lidar com as restrições institucionais a fim de atingir o sucesso eleitoral. / This thesis considers the regional question as a partisan strategy in the electoral arena. The goal is to show that from the electoral system, especially the open list proportional representation, the magnitude and the structure of the electoral competition, emanates the incentives for subdistricting. Therefore, partisanship is introduced, adding a new dimension to the scholarship that advocates for the regionalization of the high magnitude districts. When arguing that, in fact, parties decisions are influenced by regional elements which were fostered by the electoral system, this study pursues an alternative theoretical perspective to distributivism. Subdistricting is a byproduct of intentional political action, which, in turn, ensures the decrease or absence of intra-party competition over the territory. The findings based on the analysis of the list of candidates presented by parties in Brazil reinforces that the social and political environment responds to regional factors that influence their attitudes and strategies. Through a non-political, but geospatial dynamic, parties can strategically deal with the institutional constraints in order to achieve electoral success.

This thesis explores the regional differentiation of electoral behaviour and other topics in electoral geography in the Czech Republic. Electoral geography, which studies the geographic aspects of the organisation, process, and results of elections, for a long time developed mainly in Western societies given the absence of free elections in other countries. It began to develop in the Czech Republic in the 1990s and its goal was to explore the process of the transformation of society and the stabilisation of democracy, to compare electoral patterns observed in conditions of stable liberal democracies with the patterns found in transforming states, and to adapt them to the specific conditions of transition countries. Electoral geography focuses mainly on the spatial variations of electoral behaviour. It seeks to determine whether different patterns of electoral behaviour are based on the social structure of the population in the region, whether they are influenced by contextual factors, or whether it is a combination of both. Another important subject studied by electoral geography is the spatial patterns of representation, which however are usually studied in majoritarian electoral systems. The thesis is composed of two basic sections. The first section offers a broader theoretical and...

The master's thesis "Electoral Geography of Poland After 1989" explores the spatial distribution of patterns of electoral behavior in Poland on the basis of analysis of the results of all presidential elections and elections to the Sejm that took place in the country between the years 1990-2010. The main hypothesis tested by this master thesis is that former boundaries between Russia, Prussia (Germany) and Austria (Austria-Hungary), between which the territory of modern-day Poland was divided in the 19th century, still have an impact on Poland's electoral geography. On the basis of this hypothesis, political parties and presidential candidates are divided into two pre-defined categories: traditionalist and modernist The validity of the hypothesis is then proven by visual analysis of political parties' and presidential candidates' electoral maps, and also by the application of Pearson's correlation coefficient on political parties' electoral results from constituencies and presidential candidates' electoral results from voivodships. In contemporary Poland, a clear rift exists between the parts of the country formerly dominated by Prussia (Germany) and major Polish cities on the one hand (also known as "Poland A"), and Russia and Austria (Austria-Hungary) on the other hand (which is sometimes...

This research both develops new methods and expands upon existing methodologies in order to improve our understanding of voting patterns and party competition in Britain. The thesis comprises five sections, each of which relates to a particular research focus. The first and principal section describes the process of determining a new method for decomposing electoral bias for three-party competition under simple plurality rules of voting. The study of electoral bias is important for voting systems that requires periodic boundary reviews intended to equalise electorate and to remove malapportionment. These papers describe both the process for developing the threeparty bias method and later its application to UK general elections from 1983 onwards. The second section uses aggregate data gathered for the elections to the Greater London Authority in order to understand the patterns of electoral support across the capital, particularly support for minor parties. A considerable amount of research effort has been expended upon providing reliable models for electoral forecasting both in the UK and elsewhere. The third section includes a paper that develops a forecast model that utilises aggregate local election data to estimate national vote shares for the three main parties in the UK. A fourth section brings together a series of papers that are linked by the themes of voter behaviour, either in terms of geographical or ballot context. A study of voter turnout in a London borough describes the relationship between proximity to polling station and electoral turnout at different types of election. A 8 number of papers included in this section also detail the effects of candidate ballot order on electoral support. The fifth and final section groups together two papers that using individual-level survey data to describe the pattern of candidate recruitment for local elections in Britain and, specifically, the under-recruitment of both women and Black, Asian and other minority ethnic candidates.

Os partidos políticos participam do uso do território brasileiro disputando o controle de suas porções. Quando ganham um cargo, seja legislativo ou executivo, potencializam suas possibilidades de intervenção no território, participando da construção de novas materialidades, ora promovendo ora coibindo novos usos. Um novo sistema normativo, como é o caso da proposta de reforma política, pode significar outras possibilidades de uso do território pelos partidos políticos, beneficiando uns ou outros, porque estabelece novas regras para a concorrência eleitoral e para o financiamento das campanhas e quais alianças territoriais serão permitidas. Essas novas regulamentações podem influenciar, junto com outros fatores, futuras distribuições do poder dos partidos políticos pelo território. Ao mesmo tempo, o território usado participa não só da criação dessas novas normas como da sua eficácia, caso sejam adotadas, determinando se as novas leis serão apenas formas vazias, que perpetuam o mosaico político-territorial vigente, ou se promoverão novos arranjos territoriais. A reforma política não pode ser entendida como uma variável autônoma da regulamentação das ações político-partidárias, independentemente da totalidade do uso do território. As regulamentações, ou seja, as normas são mediadoras e mediadas pela relação intrínseca entre ação política e materialidade. Dessa forma, o intuito de nossa pesquisa foi o de buscar compreender algumas propostas da reforma política a partir do território e seu uso, participando do debate da geografia política e eleitoral. / Political parties participate in the use of the Brazilian territory competing for the control of its portions. Winning a seat in the legislative body or a position in the executive branch increase exponentially their possibilities of intervention in such territory, allowing them to participate in the building of new materialities by either promoting or preventing its new use. A new system of norms, as in the case of the political reform proposal, might turn into new possibilities for the use of territory by political parties yielding benefit to some because it establishes new rules for electoral competition as well as for campaign financing in which territorial alliances shall be allowed. These new regulations might influence, together with other factors, future distribution of the political parties power over territory. At the same time, the territory used takes part not only in the making of these new norms but also in its efficacy, when they are adopted, determining whether the new laws will be no more than empty forms which perpetuate the prevailing political territorial mosaic, or they may promote new territorial organization. The Political Reform should not be seen as an independent variable of the setting of norms of the political parties actions, apart from the totality of territorial use. Norms are both mediators and mediated by the intrinsic relation between political action and materiality. Thus, the objective of this study was to reach an understanding of some political reform proposals based on territory and its use and by so doing, take part in the debate concerning political and electoral geography.

Os partidos políticos participam do uso do território brasileiro disputando o controle de suas porções. Quando ganham um cargo, seja legislativo ou executivo, potencializam suas possibilidades de intervenção no território, participando da construção de novas materialidades, ora promovendo ora coibindo novos usos. Um novo sistema normativo, como é o caso da proposta de reforma política, pode significar outras possibilidades de uso do território pelos partidos políticos, beneficiando uns ou outros, porque estabelece novas regras para a concorrência eleitoral e para o financiamento das campanhas e quais alianças territoriais serão permitidas. Essas novas regulamentações podem influenciar, junto com outros fatores, futuras distribuições do poder dos partidos políticos pelo território. Ao mesmo tempo, o território usado participa não só da criação dessas novas normas como da sua eficácia, caso sejam adotadas, determinando se as novas leis serão apenas formas vazias, que perpetuam o mosaico político-territorial vigente, ou se promoverão novos arranjos territoriais. A reforma política não pode ser entendida como uma variável autônoma da regulamentação das ações político-partidárias, independentemente da totalidade do uso do território. As regulamentações, ou seja, as normas são mediadoras e mediadas pela relação intrínseca entre ação política e materialidade. Dessa forma, o intuito de nossa pesquisa foi o de buscar compreender algumas propostas da reforma política a partir do território e seu uso, participando do debate da geografia política e eleitoral. / Political parties participate in the use of the Brazilian territory competing for the control of its portions. Winning a seat in the legislative body or a position in the executive branch increase exponentially their possibilities of intervention in such territory, allowing them to participate in the building of new materialities by either promoting or preventing its new use. A new system of norms, as in the case of the political reform proposal, might turn into new possibilities for the use of territory by political parties yielding benefit to some because it establishes new rules for electoral competition as well as for campaign financing in which territorial alliances shall be allowed. These new regulations might influence, together with other factors, future distribution of the political parties power over territory. At the same time, the territory used takes part not only in the making of these new norms but also in its efficacy, when they are adopted, determining whether the new laws will be no more than empty forms which perpetuate the prevailing political territorial mosaic, or they may promote new territorial organization. The Political Reform should not be seen as an independent variable of the setting of norms of the political parties actions, apart from the totality of territorial use. Norms are both mediators and mediated by the intrinsic relation between political action and materiality. Thus, the objective of this study was to reach an understanding of some political reform proposals based on territory and its use and by so doing, take part in the debate concerning political and electoral geography.

The influence of sociodemographic characteristics on election results in the municipal elections in the Czech Republic in 2014 Abstract This thesis is focus on the sociodemographic structure of the voters and its influence in municipal elections in the Czech Republic in 2014. The main aim of this thesis is to analyze and evaluate electoral behavior of the population in local politics. The aim is also to define which characteristics are the most important for their decision. The thesis is focused on the parties which are the current members of Czech Parliament. Then the parties were divided into three groups of the political spectrum (left, right and center). The thesis will gradually focus on the subdiscipline of electoral geography (its definition and the development), on the municipal elections and on the development of the Parliamentary parties in the three theoretical chapters. The analysis will examine the relationships between sociodemographic characteristics and the election results. The relationships will be examined using the Pearson correlation coefficient and the Multiple Regression. Spatial issue will then explore IDW method. Keywords: electoral geography, election, election results, municipality, age, nationality, level of education, religion, unemployment

The thesis "Electoral Geography of Postcommunist Countries in Central and Eastern Europe" deals with the topic of electoral geography, which is a part of the political geography. The basic hypothesis of the paper is based on opinion that the postcommunist countries experienced the twenty years of development in the postcommunist period which made their electoral geography very similar to one in Western Europe. This hypothesis is proved by three different areas of electoral geography. The first part is composed by the analysis of the electoral geography of the founding elections in the 17 postcommunist countries (including the GDR). In the paper is proposed after the research of all 17 countries the categorization of founding elections on the basis of electoral geography. The second part examines the electoral geography of capitals. The research is focused on the size of the lectorate in the capital compare to the whole country, on the diverhgence of electoral results in the capital and in the whole state and on strength of the party families in capitals. Folowing these three areas is proposed the catehorisation of the postcommunist capitals into the five groups. The third part deals with variability of the electoral results inside the state.

Les Hauts-de-Seine constituent, depuis leur création en 1964, la place forte de la droite francilienne. L’enjeu politique est de taille, car ce « département-métropole » est souvent qualifié de « département le plus riche de France après Paris ». A l’image du pôle de La Défense, devenu le premier quartier d’affaires d’Europe, les Hauts-de-Seine ont connu ces dernières décennies de profondes transformations urbaines et d’importants bouleversements sociologiques et économiques. L’analyse géopolitique s’avère fructueuse pour comprendre ces mutations. En effet, elles sont étroitement liées à un ensemble de stratégies territoriales dont le but est le contrôle politique des Hauts-de-Seine. La droite a donc imaginé, mis en place et développé un système géopolitique local très efficace, que nous avons nommé la « banlieue bleue » et qui, par bien des aspects, constitue le double inversé de la banlieue rouge. Dans un premier temps, cette thèse montre la formation géopolitique de la « banlieue bleue » des Hauts-de-Seine. Puis, elle s’intéresse au fonctionnement et aux acteurs du système géopolitique local en insistant sur la dimension éminemment géopolitique des politiques publiques d’aménagement urbain qui ont transformé la physionomie des villes du département. Elle revient enfin sur les rivalités de pouvoirs à l’échelle métropolitaine. Face au risque d’absorption des départements de petite couronne dans la nouvelle Métropole du Grand Paris, le département développe un projet géopolitique d’envergure, la fusion des Hauts-de-Seine et des Yvelines, qui, si elle aboutit, ferait de ces deux départements une « banlieue bleue » XXL. / Since they were created in 1964, the Hauts-de-Seine have been a stronghold of the Ile-de-France's right wing. The political stakes are high as this 'departement-metropole' is often qualified as the second richest after Paris. Like the hub of La Defense, which has become Europe's first business centre, the Hauts-de-Seine have lately undergone deep sociological and economical changes as well as consequent urban transformations. The geopolitical analyse proves itself meaningful to understand these mutations. They indeed are tightly connected to a set of territorial strategies, the aim of which is the political control of the Hauts-de-Seine. The right-wing thus contrived, set up and developped a local geopolitical system which, to many aspects, is the mirror image of the red suburb. This dissertation first shows how the Hauts-de-Seine's blue suburb was organized. It then focuses on how the actors of the local geopolitical system operate by insisting on the outstanding geopolitical dimension of the public policies of the urban planning and on how this transformed the aspect of the department's cities. It also focuses on the competition for power at a metropolitan scale. Confronted to the risk of being assimilated by the Greater Paris, the departement is developping a large-scale geopolitical project, the merging between the Hauts-de-Seine and the Yvelines which, if put in practice, would make these suburbs a major blue suburb.