<p>The Recycling Hypothesis of verb-phrase ellipsis states that elided verb phrases with non-parallel antecedents are interpreted by reconstructing the appropriate verb phrase structure using the information available in the antecedent (Arregui, Frazier, Clifton, & Moulton, 2006). The hypothesis predicts that structurally more complex antecedents will involve more complicated reconstruction operations, which will lower the acceptability of the sentences. The experiments reported in this thesis tested two underlying assumptions of the Recycling Hypothesis as well as one prediction that follows from the proposal. First, the hypothesis assumes that elided verb phrases with parallel antecedents are interpreted by copying the structure of the antecedent into the ellipsis site (Frazier & Clifton, 2001). Second, Arregui et al. (2006) argued that changes in verbal morphology were “really easy (p. 242)” to recover from, suggesting that verbal morphology is not a factor in determining parallelism between the antecedent and elided verb phrases. Results from three written survey experiments in which participants were asked to judge the acceptability of verb-phrase ellipsis with matching or non-matching verbal morphology contradicted these assumptions. Morphologically more complex antecedents were rated less acceptable than simpler antecedents, regardless of whether the antecedent morphology matched the morphology on the elided verb phrase. The fact that verbal morphology affected acceptability ratings suggests that this factor plays a critical role in determining parallelism in ellipsis. Furthermore, the fact that parallel antecedents patterned with non-parallel antecedents suggests that the two must be processed in a similar fashion. Finally, if more complex antecedents require more complicated reconstruction operations, it might be predicted that word-by-word reading times at the ellipsis site should be correlated with the level of difficulty (Gibson, 1998). One self-paced reading experiment using the same materials showed no such correlation. These results are discussed with reference to two other psycholinguistic theories of verb-phrase ellipsis comprehension.</p> / Master of Science (MSc)

This paper focuses on two aspects of the recipe minilect: clause-initial adverbials and object and determiner ellipsis in the translation from English into Swedish. The aim of the study is to find general tendencies on how clause-initial adverbials are translated and how this affects the information structure. In addition, the occurrence of object and determiner ellipsis in translations is studied, to see if there are differences between English and Swedish. Based on a theoretical background by Hasselgård (1997) the translation of clause-initial adverbials is identified and structured, according to Hasselgård’s (1997) model of word order correspondence. The structures are then studied quantitatively, through different examples in English and Swedish, and with regards to Lindquist’s (1989) definition of adverbial placement. The theoretical background for the study on object and determiner ellipsis is mainly based on the work by Nordman (1994), Hultman (2003) and Biber et al (1999). The occurrence of ellipsis is identified and then studied quantitatively. The results show that different kinds of word order restrictions govern the translation of clause-initial adverbials and that changes in adverbial placement can affect the information structure. The occurrence of object ellipsis is somewhat higher in the present study than in the analyzed parallel texts, possibly due to influence from the ST. Due to Swedish rules on definiteness, there is a low occurrence of determiner ellipsis in the TT.

Em vista do sistema de Caso/concordância de Chomsky (2000; 2001) baseado em Agree, bem como na proposta minimalista para a ergatividade de Aldridge (2004; 2008; 2012), apresentamos no capítulo 1 uma análise para as relações de Caso e concordância em Karitiana à luz do seu padrão de concordância ergativo-absolutivo e das ordens de constituinte que a língua exibe. Propomos que T valora Caso absolutivo no objeto e no sujeito intransitivo em orações matriz, ao passo em que o núcleo n valora genitivo nestes argumentos em orações subordinadas. O núcleo v, por sua vez, atribui Caso ergativo inerente ao sujeito transitivo. Propomos, também, que o v transitivo possua um traço EPP responsável por alçar o objeto para uma posição de especificador extra de vP acima do sujeito, o que explicaria a ordenação atestada em sentenças assertivas VOS e subordinadas OSV. A disposição SVO em declarativas, em que o sujeito sobe mesmo estando abaixo do objeto em Spec,vP, é explicada em termos de uma restrição imposta sobre o objeto pela Condição de Atividade (CHOMSKY, 2001). No capítulo 2 discutimos de que maneira as relações predicativas são sintaticamente capturadas nas construções de cópula do Karitiana. Adotamos a teoria da Sintaxe da Predicação de den Dikken (2006), em que sujeito e predicado estabelecem uma relação de predicação no domínio da projeção de um núcleo relator em uma configuração assimétrica e não direcional. Também lançamos mão da proposta em Hale & Keyser (2002) de que a projeção de um especificador depende de um núcleo verbal selecionar um elemento predicador como um complemento. Apresentamos, assim, uma análise para as construções de cópula de predicação verbal e adjetival (i.e. [NP cóp i-Pred-t/ø]). Em nossa proposta o pronome i- prefixado ao adjetivo e verbo corresponde a um pro-predicate (MORO, 1997), um place holder do predicado lexical. Tal pro-predicate é o verdadeiro predicador da construção de cópula em que ele aparece, de modo que o adjetivo e o verbo entram como um adjunto na estrutura. Apresentamos, também, uma derivação para as construções de inversão de predicado, nas quais o i- está ausente. O morfema -t/ø sufixado ao predicado corresponde a um bloqueador de projeção, sendo uma maneira que a língua possui de contornar o problema de rotulação que emerge em certas estruturas de adjunção. Por fim, explicamos o comportamento distinto das construções de predicação nominal (i.e. [ NP cóp NP-t/ø]) argumentando que elas não se submetem às restrições da sintaxe da predicação. Finalmente, no capítulo 3 argumentamos que o apagamento da cópula em Karitiana nas sentenças declarativas de tempo não futuro é um caso de elipse do tipo sluicing (MERCHANT, 2001) que não precisa satisfazer condições de identidade para ser licenciada, propondo que o efeito copula drop decorre de uma restrição baseada em fases (CHOMSKY, 2001; BOKOVI, 2014). / In light of the chomskyan Case/agreement system (2000; 2001), and also Aldridges (2004; 2008; 2012) minimalist approach to ergativity, in chapter 1 we present an account for Case and agreement relations in Karitiana in view of its ergative-absolutive agreement pattern and the constituent order the language exhibits. We propose T values absolutive Case on both the object and the intransitive subject within matrix clauses, and n head values genitive on these arguments within subordinate clauses. We also propose v assigns ergative as an inherent Case to the transitive subject. In addition, transitive v bears an EPP feature responsible for dragging the object to an outer Spec,vP position above the subject, which accounts for the VOS assertives and OSV subordinates word order. SVO declaratives, in which the subject is raised even though the object is arguably higher up in the tree, is derived due to a restriction the Activity Condition (CHOMSKY, 2001) imposes on the object. In chapter 2 we discuss how predication relations are syntactically captured in Karitiana copular constructions. We adopt den Dikkens (2006) Predication theory, in which the subject and the predicate establish a relation in the minimal domain of the projection headed by a relator in a asymmetrical and non directional configuration. We also adopt Hale & Keysers (2002) proposal in which the specifier position is projected only when a verbal head selects for a predicate element as its complement. Then, we present an analysis for verbal and adjectival predication in Karitiana copular constructions (i.e. [NP cop i-A/V-t/ø]). In our approach the pronoun i- prefixed to the adjective and the verb is a pro-predicate (MORO, 1997), a place holder for the lexical predicate. Such element is the real predicate in the copula constructions it appears, and the adjective and the verb are adjoined to the structure. We present, as well, a derivation for predicate inversion constructions, which lack i-. The morpheme -t/ø suffixed to the predicate corresponds to a projection blocker, and it is a way the language alleviates a projection problem caused by certain adjunction structures. To conclude, we explain the distinctive behaviour of nominal predicate constructions (i.e. [ NP cop NP-t/ø]) arguing they are not submitted to restrictions of the Syntax of Predication. Finally, in chapter 3 we propose a phase-based (CHOMSKY, 2001; BOKOVI, 2014) account of the copula drop phenomenon in Karitiana declarative sentences (non future tense), arguing it to be an instance of sluicing (MERCHANT, 2001), a type of ellipsis, and that it does not need to satisfy identity conditions to be licensed.

Esta tese investiga o fenômeno das perguntas polares do Português do Libolo - PLB, em que discuto na perspectiva da Teoria de Princípios e Parâmetros em sua versão conhecida como Programa Minimalista (CHOMSKY, 1995, 2005 e 2008, e versões subsequentes), aspectos da derivação sintática de respostas afirmativas a perguntas polares, em sentenças do PLB. A análise dos dados do PLB mostrou que respostas afirmativas a perguntas polares no PLB distribuem-se, preferencialmente, em respostas verbais e respostas com a partícula sim, que podem ser entendidas como instanciadoras de um traço de polaridade lexicalizado pelo verbo, quando o elemento verbal é núcleo de fase em que é licenciada a elipse de VP e pela partícula sim, na fase CP. O enfoque teórico é a Teoria de derivação por fases, do Programa Minimalista. / This thesis concerns the phenomenon of the Polar Interrogatives (PI) in Portuguese spoken in Libolo (PLB), discussing throughout the Principles and Parameters theory in its version known as the Minimalist Program (as set by Chomsky (1995) and following works) issues on the derivation of the syntactic structure of affirmative responses of PI sentences in PLB. The analysis of PLB data showed that affirmative answers to polar questions in PLB are distributed, preferably, in verbal responses and responses with the \"yes\" particle. The affirmative responses of PI sentences in PLB can be understood as instanciers of a polarity feature which is lexicalized by the verb, when the verbal form is the head of the phase that licenses VP ellipses and the yes particle, when the phase is CP. The theoretical approach is the Phase Theory of the Minimalist Program.

Esta tese investiga o fenômeno das perguntas polares do Português do Libolo - PLB, em que discuto na perspectiva da Teoria de Princípios e Parâmetros em sua versão conhecida como Programa Minimalista (CHOMSKY, 1995, 2005 e 2008, e versões subsequentes), aspectos da derivação sintática de respostas afirmativas a perguntas polares, em sentenças do PLB. A análise dos dados do PLB mostrou que respostas afirmativas a perguntas polares no PLB distribuem-se, preferencialmente, em respostas verbais e respostas com a partícula sim, que podem ser entendidas como instanciadoras de um traço de polaridade lexicalizado pelo verbo, quando o elemento verbal é núcleo de fase em que é licenciada a elipse de VP e pela partícula sim, na fase CP. O enfoque teórico é a Teoria de derivação por fases, do Programa Minimalista. / This thesis concerns the phenomenon of the Polar Interrogatives (PI) in Portuguese spoken in Libolo (PLB), discussing throughout the Principles and Parameters theory in its version known as the Minimalist Program (as set by Chomsky (1995) and following works) issues on the derivation of the syntactic structure of affirmative responses of PI sentences in PLB. The analysis of PLB data showed that affirmative answers to polar questions in PLB are distributed, preferably, in verbal responses and responses with the \"yes\" particle. The affirmative responses of PI sentences in PLB can be understood as instanciers of a polarity feature which is lexicalized by the verb, when the verbal form is the head of the phase that licenses VP ellipses and the yes particle, when the phase is CP. The theoretical approach is the Phase Theory of the Minimalist Program.

Orientador: Sérgio Vicente Motta / Banca: Marisa Corrêa Silva / Banca: Sylvia Helena Telarolli de Almeida Leite / Banca: Luiz Gonzaga Marchezan / Banca: Maria Heloísa Martins Dias / Resumo: Nesta pesquisa, procuramos analisar a intensificação dos investimentos retóricos, especialmente a elipse, na construção de sentidos em contos de Machado de Assis. Acreditamos que, por meio desse recurso temporal, o autor consegue transcender a estrutura clássica do conto, principalmente a partir da ambigüidade de seus textos, pois essa técnica altera o processo esperado de refiguração da intriga. Para verificarmos as hipóteses de trabalho, analisamos todos os quarenta e três contos dos quatro primeiros livros de Machado de Assis (de Contos fluminenses a Histórias sem data). A partir das análises, pudemos observar que, além da elipse, recursos como a ironia, o humor e a alegoria tiveram seu uso reforçado, o que aprimorou o texto machadiano no que se refere à construção da ambigüidade. Verificamos, também, que a elipse tem seu apogeu em Histórias sem data (1884). O trabalho é composto de cinco capítulos. O primeiro faz um breve percurso pela crítica machadiana tradicional e os demais tratam de cada um dos livros de contos, obedecendo à ordem cronológica de publicação. Cada capítulo tem sua conclusão, que servirá de base à conclusão final, resultante da relação dos resultados obtidos nesse trajeto. Portanto, aliado ao estudo desse corpus, refletimos sobre a fortuna crítica e utilizamos as teorias necessárias para investigar, especialmente, a velocidade narrativa, verificando o percurso do explícito para o implícito, a partir da utilização da elipse e de outros mecanismos geradores de sentido. / Abstract: This research aims to analyze the intensification of the rhetorical investments, mainly the ellipsis, in the meaning constructions in Machado de Assis' short stories. We believe that through this temporal source the author is able to transcend the classic structure of short stories, principally from the ambiguity of his texts, since this technique alters the expected process of the intrigue refiguration. In order to verify the hypothesis of the works we analyzed all the forty three short stories from Machado de Assis' first four books (from Contos Fluminenses to Histórias sem data). From the analysis, it was noticed that as well as the ellipsis, resources as irony, humor and allegory had their use reinforced, which improved Machadian texts in relation to the ambiguity construction. We also verified that the ellipsis had its climax in Histórias sem data (1884). This study is composed by five chapters. The first one provides an outlook through the traditional criticism of Assis and the others deal with each one of the short stories books, obeying the chronological order of their publication. Each chapter has its own conclusion which will be the basis for the final conclusion, outcome of the relation between the obtained results in this trajectory. Therefore, in addition to the study of the corpus we reflected upon the critical fortune and we used the required theories to investigate, mostly, the narrative speed, verifying the path from the explicit to the implicit based on the use of the ellipsis and other meaning generators mechanisms. / Doutor

This dissertation explores, within the general framework of Distributed Morphology, the licensing conditions of empty nouns in Persian, a Western Iranian language, and the issues that arise within this context for the distribution of plural marking and the insertion of the Ezafe vowel. With respect to the licensing of the empty noun, the proposal made in this thesis is along the lines of those that link ellipsis to information structure (e.g. Rooth 1992a, 1992b; Gengel 2007, among others). It is suggested that the Empty Noun Construction (ENC) is derived through the interaction between the following two information-structural features: (i) the E(llipsis)-feature, which ensures that the head noun is identical with its counterpart in the antecedent and specifies the head noun for non-pronunciation; (ii) the F(ocus)-feature, which specifies the remnant modifier as an element which is in some kind of contrastive relationship with its corresponding element in the antecedent. The interaction between these two features is implemented in the syntax in a phase-based derivation. Plural marking and Ezafe insertion in the ENC are accounted for within an articulated derivational model of PF (Embick & Noyer 2001; Embick 2003 et seq.; Pak 2008). It is proposed that the displacement of the plural marker in the ENC is motivated by the non-pronunciation of the head noun and is handled early in the PF derivation by Local Dislocation operation. Adopting Pak's (2008) model of syntax-phonology interface, the rule responsible for the insertion of the Ezafe linker -e is argued to be a phonological rule that applies at the Late-Linearization stage to connect [+N] heads to their following modifiers/complements.

This dissertation explores, within the general framework of Distributed Morphology, the licensing conditions of empty nouns in Persian, a Western Iranian language, and the issues that arise within this context for the distribution of plural marking and the insertion of the Ezafe vowel. With respect to the licensing of the empty noun, the proposal made in this thesis is along the lines of those that link ellipsis to information structure (e.g. Rooth 1992a, 1992b; Gengel 2007, among others). It is suggested that the Empty Noun Construction (ENC) is derived through the interaction between the following two information-structural features: (i) the E(llipsis)-feature, which ensures that the head noun is identical with its counterpart in the antecedent and specifies the head noun for non-pronunciation; (ii) the F(ocus)-feature, which specifies the remnant modifier as an element which is in some kind of contrastive relationship with its corresponding element in the antecedent. The interaction between these two features is implemented in the syntax in a phase-based derivation. Plural marking and Ezafe insertion in the ENC are accounted for within an articulated derivational model of PF (Embick & Noyer 2001; Embick 2003 et seq.; Pak 2008). It is proposed that the displacement of the plural marker in the ENC is motivated by the non-pronunciation of the head noun and is handled early in the PF derivation by Local Dislocation operation. Adopting Pak's (2008) model of syntax-phonology interface, the rule responsible for the insertion of the Ezafe linker -e is argued to be a phonological rule that applies at the Late-Linearization stage to connect [+N] heads to their following modifiers/complements.

This dissertation answers the question what is and what is not ellipsis and specifies criteria for identification of elliptical sentences. It reports on an analysis of types of ellipsis from the point of view of semantic (semantico-syntactic) representation of sentences. It does not deal with conditions and causes of the constitution of elliptical positions in sentences (when and why is it possible to omit something in a sentence) but it focuses exclusively on the identification of elliptical positions (if there is something omitted and what) and on their semantic representation, specifically on their representation on the tectogrammatical level of the Prague Dependency Treebanks. In this dissertation, the dependency approach (used in the Prague Dependency Treebanks) is also compared with the generative approach (used in the Penn Treebank). It is possible to utilize this comparison in the (automatic) conversion from constituency trees to dependency trees.

Le but de cette thèse est d’apporter un éclairage nouveau sur la prédication averbale en français et en anglais, essentiellement dans le cadre théorique de la TOE. Le choix a donc été fait de parler d’énoncés averbaux plutôt que de phrases averbales. Après un important travail de définition des énoncés averbaux (que nous distinguons de l’ellipse, de l’apposition et de la prédication seconde) nous présentons les divers types d’énoncés averbaux et examinons la diversité des conditions d’occurrences dans lesquelles ils sont employés (discours littéraire et journalistique, discours muséal, contexte de signalisation, discours publicitaire), tout en ayant comme objectif la mise au jour d’un dénominateur commun, quel que soit le type de discours. Nous dressons la liste des principales différences de fonctionnement entre les deux langues, nous mettons en avant la nécessité de dépasser la typologie courante pour aboutir à un continuum interprétatif. Nous mettons en avant la dimension dialogique des énoncés averbaux ainsi que leur lien avec le présent et donc avec les paramètres qui constituent la situation d’énonciation et l’extralinguistique. Nous employons la métaphore de la proximité pour définir les relations entre l’énonciateur et divers éléments que sont l’extralinguistique, le co-énonciateur, la modalité et le contenu propositionnel des énoncés averbaux. / Our aim in this dissertation is to shed new light on verbless predication in English and French, within the theoretical framework developed by Antoine Culioli (TOE). The focus is accordingly on verbless utterances rather than verbless sentences. A general definition of verbless utterances is first given. These should not be confused with elliptical constructions, apposition and secondary predication. A typology of verbless utterances is first set up. We then provide a characterization of the different discourse types in which they occur (literature, news media, museum texts and captions, signposting, advertising). Verbless utterances, it is shown, share common, stable features, irrespective of their use and interpretation. Syntactic differences between English and French are outlined. The need for an interpretative continuum is highlighted. So is the need to underscore the dialogical dimension of verbless utterances, as well as their crucial connection to the present, i.e. to the speech situation and implied contextual parameters. The metaphorical concept of proximity is applied to describe the relationship between the speaker and the extralinguistic situation, the addressee, the modality and the propositional content of the verbless utterance.