L’Ouest du Montana, écrin de nature sauvage dans les montagnes Rocheuses, est depuis les années 1990 au cœur de dynamiques de migrations d’aménités et de gentrification rurale : celles-ci s’appuient sur des récits multiples - fictionnels tout autant que biographiques - qui mettent en scène des trajectoires de vie intimement liées à l’environnement. Réinvesti au nom de nouvelles valeurs dominantes, il constitue aujourd’hui un champ puissant que les individus mobilisent à travers leurs pratiques et représentations. Devenu avant tout support d’activités récréatives plus ou moins distinctives, ou paysage à contempler, l’environnement est déterminant dans la mutation socio-territoriale de l’Old en New West. Or, les dynamiques migratoires contemporaines ne sont ni socialement ni spatialement homogènes, et les inégalités d’accès à l’environnement sont manifestes. Il s’agit alors d’interroger l’existence d’élus et d’exclus dans l’archipel du New West, et plus généralement de soulever l’enjeu des inégalités socio-environnementales dans l’Ouest du Montana. En les analysant au prisme de la grille de lecture « capital environnemental », cette thèse tend alors à saisir le rôle de l’environnement, pensé dans toutes ses dimensions, dans la fabrique socio-territoriale d’un Ouest du Montana en mutation et à interroger la manière dont il génère et entretient de profondes inégalités et injustices. Dans un contexte de fortes recompositions socio-territoriales, il est au cœur de nouveaux investissements stratégiques qui déterminent les rapports de force. / A shrine of wilderness amidst the Rocky Mountains, Western Montana has been at the heart of a dynamic of amenity migration and rural gentrification since the 1990's : fictional and biographical stories support that dynamic and tell of life paths that are intimately tied to the environment. Individuals are now compelled to determine themselves in regard to that powerful field that has been reinvested through prevailing new values. From Old West to New West, social and territorial change is in itself determined by the environment as a field for more and less distinctive recreational activities or as a landscape to contemplate. Nevertheless, contemporary migratory dynamics are neither socially nor spatially equally shared and nor is access to the environment. Let us question the existence of outcast and chosen few in the New West Archipelago and raise the issue of Western Montana social and environmental inequities in general. Using « environmental capital » as a framework to interpret these inequities, this thesis tends to focus on how the environment, in its multiple forms, plays its part in the transformation of Western Montana and how it creates and sustains deep inequities and injustice. In a time of strong social and territorial change the environment is at the heart of new strategic investments that determine the balance of power.

Residential and commercial buildings account for almost 40 % of total U.S. energy consumption and U.S. carbon dioxide emissions (Pew Center, 2009). Nearly all of the greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions from the residential and commercial sectors can be attributed to energy use in buildings, making high performance energy efficient buildings central to addressing diminishing resources and transitioning to a green economy. However, energy efficiency in buildings receives inadequate attention because first least cost decision-making as opposed to life cycle cost analysis (Romm, 1999). When life cycle analysis is used, it typically captures only the ‘hard’ financial cost benefits of operational energy and maintenance savings, but rarely includes environmental capital or human capital savings. This thesis proposes an empirical approach to triple bottom line calculations that integrates the economic, environmental and human cost benefits to accelerate investments in high performance building technologies. The development of a new methodology for capital expenditures in investments in the built environment can provide compelling arguments for decision makers and encourage the widespread adoption of high performance building technologies. In the first bottom line, this research quantifies the ‘financial’ or capital costs and benefits of high performance building investments, by broadening the category of associated benefits beyond energy savings from an investment (Birkenfeld et al., 2011). Traditionally, building investment decisions are made using a value engineering approach, which is driven by the agenda of cost reduction rather than valuing the benefit of different alternatives. Using net present value (NPV) and return on investment (ROI) indices, well-known in financial practices, the first bottom line calculation in this thesis moves away from a ‘first least cost’ to a life cycle approach to account for multiple non-energy financial benefits that can directly be quantified for the building decision maker. To advance a second bottom line that can be translated into Corporate Sustainability Reporting, the thesis provides a methodology for capturing the environmental benefits of reducing electricity demand related to carbon, air quality and water resources. These calculations are based on three levels of information - electricity fuel sources and power plant quality, the respective air pollution and water consumption consequences, and emerging valuation incentives for pollution reduction. The methodology focuses on critical greenhouse gases CO2, CH4; SOx, NOx, as well as particulates and water use, for three global scenarios – an emerging economy such as India, a country with mid-level sustainability goals such as the US, and a leading economy with low carbon growth goals such as the EU - in order to represent the range of environmental impacts of electric energy use. The capital saved by avoiding the environmental impacts of electricity use based on fuel source and mix can thus be added to each kilowatt-hour of electricity saved in a second bottom line calculation. To advance the third bottom line, this thesis engages a methodology for measuring and quantifying human benefits from building investments based on ongoing development of CMU CBPD's BIDS toolkit. The methodology is built on the field and laboratory research findings that link high performance building design decisions to human health and individual and organizational productivity. This thesis advances an approach to handling the third bottom line calculations, including an approach to establishing baselines, applying a broad base of laboratory and field findings. Given first cost data from vendors, first bottom line simple paybacks for 12 energy retrofit measures ranges from 2-20 years - with energy and facility management savings. When the environmental benefits are included, simple paybacks were accelerated to 1.5-18 years. Most strikingly, when human benefits are included - from reduced headaches and absenteeism to improved task performance or productivity - paybacks for investments in energy efficiency in US offices are often less than 1 year. To support the validity and reliability of results, both quantitative and qualitative methods were used to validate how Triple Bottom Line (TBL) cost benefits might impact and shift decision-making patterns from a least-first-cost approach to an approach that includes TBL information. Field testing of the potential influence on decision makers to move beyond first-cost decision-making to support investments in high performance, energy efficient technologies revealed the positive impact of Triple Bottom Line accounting for decision makers (p<0.05). The introduction of triple bottom line accounting for decision-makers in the built environment may be the most critical catalyst for investments in building energy improvements.

Cette thèse a pour principal objet la reconnaissance du local et de l’autochtonie au sein des aires protégées en général et des Parcs nationaux français en particulier. Du global au local, elle tend à voir ce processus comme résultante de la montée en puissance d’un principe axiologique non nécessairement nouveau, mais qui conditionne néanmoins de manière croissante la légitimité et l’efficacité de l’action publique environnementale. La reconnaissance du local et de l’autochtonie serait ainsi en particulier internationalement devenue l’une des conditions de réalisation d’une plus grande justice environnementale au sein des aires protégées.Nous interrogeons comment ce processus a pu s’étendre aux Parcs nationaux français à travers notamment l’analyse des causes et des effets de leur récente réforme (2006). Comment cette reconnaissance a-t-elle pu se voir reprise et éventuellement redéfinie dans l’institutionnalisation des Parcs nationaux dits de « nouvelle génération » ? Par suite, à quels effets, nouveaux ou non, cette reconnaissance « à la française » permet-elle d’aboutir localement, en matière d’inégalité environnementale ? Notre démonstration s’appuie sur la notion de capital d’autochtonie (Retière, 2003) et soutient que les groupes sociaux locaux à même d’administrer la preuve de leur « capital environnemental autochtone » auprès des instances gestionnaires des Parcs nationaux seraient les plus à même de conserver intacts leurs usages de ces aires protégées.Pour mieux traiter notre problématique d’une reconnaissance du local « sous conditions », nous avons concentré sans nous y limiter, nos efforts d’enquête sur le récent Parc national de La Réunion (2007), présenté avec le Parc amazonien de Guyane et le Parc national des Calanques comme parcs de nouvelle génération. Cette enquête, s’appuyant sur plusieurs autres points de comparaison, conduit à entrevoir le Parc national de La Réunion (PNRun) comme un cadre intégrateur écocentré de différents récits globaux et territoriaux. Le déclinisme environnemental, à la fois local et mondialisé, est le plus prééminent de ces récits. Des récits de valorisation de la culture créole et de rattrapage économique lui coexiste néanmoins et le PNRun, enjoint à les reconnaitre au regard de la doctrine du développement durable, apparait comme une combinatoire sans cesse mouvante et instable d’un compromis entre ces trois récits potentiellement contradictoires.La conflictualité coutumière des Parcs nationaux français (Larrère et al., 2009) peut ainsi se comprendre à la lueur d’une concurrence des récits et de leurs porteurs, qui peuvent contester ou soutenir la manière propre au Parc national d’administrer, mais aussi de « mettre en récit » le territoire qui le supporte. Le défi actuel des Parcs nationaux français consiste, au regard de la réforme de 2006, à permettre et à accepter que cette mise en récit soit le fruit d’une co-construction élargie, et non plus d’un exercice réservé aux élites scientifiques, politiques et sociales qui ont toujours constitué ses publics de prédilection. En contexte postcolonial comme sur l’ile de La Réunion, ce défi parait d’autant plus aigu que le « concernement » local pour une mise en récit qui soit réparatrice d’injustices culturelle, sociale et environnementale est important, voire sine qua non. / The main purpose of this thesis is about the recognition of local and indigenous people within protected areas in general and French National Parks in particular. From global to local scales, this process appears to be the result of an axiological principle that is not necessarily new but which nevertheless increasingly conditions the legitimacy and effectiveness of public environmental action. The recognition of local and indigenous people would thus have become one of the conditions for achieving greater environmental justice within protected areas, particularly internationally.We question how this process has been extended to French National Parks, in particular through the analysis of the causes and effects of their recent reform (2006). How could this recognition be taken up and possibly redefined in the institutionalization of the so-called "new generation" national parks? Consequently, to what effects does this "French-style" recognition make it possible to achieve locally, in terms of environmental inequality? Our demonstration is based on the notion of "indigenous capital" (Retière, 2003) and argues that local social groups able to demonstrate their "indigenous environmental capital" to national park management authorities would be in the best position to keep intact their uses of these protected areas.To better address the issue of local people’s recognition "under conditions", we investigated the recent Reunion Island National Park (2007), presented with the Amazonian Park of French Guyana and the Calanques National Park as new generation parks. This survey, based on several other points of comparison, leads us to see Reunion Island National Park (PNRun) as an ecocentric integrating framework of different global and territorial narratives. “Environmental declinism”, both local and globalized, is the most prominent of these stories. Nevertheless, a “local cultural” and an “economic catch-up” narratives coexist with the first one. The PNRun, urged to recognize them due to the doctrine of sustainable development, appears as an ever-changing and unstable combination of these three - potentially contradictory - narratives.The traditional and customary conflicts within French National Parks (Larrère, 2009) can thus be understood as part of a competition between stories and their bearers, who can challenge or support the National Park's own way of administering, but also of "telling" the territory that supports it. The current challenge for French National Parks, in regard of the 2006 reform, is to allow and accept that this policy narrative is the result of a collective construction, and no longer an exercise reserved for some scientific, political and social elites who have always constituted its preferred audiences. In a postcolonial context such as on Reunion Island, this challenge seems all the more acute as the local "concern" for a narrative which is reparative of cultural, social and environmental injustices is important, even sine qua non.

Non-formal education projects are seen as taking a key role regarding Education for Sustainable Development; however, the conditions of participation are still scarcely explored. The objective of this study is to develop a concept helping to understand the resources, motivations, underlying values, and context of parents in the process of choosing a non-formal Education for Sustainability project in Germany for their children aged six to twelve. For this, the school choice concept of Raveaud and van Zanten, which is utilizing “resource” definitions in approximation to Bourdieu’s capital, is adapted for the non-formal sustainability education sector, by implementing the concept of environmental capital, conceptualizing the choice framework for non-formal sustainability education. Ten interviews with parents from such projects have been conducted in the summer of 2021 and analysed based on the newly developed choice framework for non-formal sustainability education. Unlike what the adapted school-choice theory suggests, the local normative framework has little impact on the choices parents make in the non-formal choice process. The results indicate that especially cultural resources within the framework of environmental capital and accumulated in the informal learning space have had a formative impact on the parents, which let them to enrol their children to participate in the sustainability education projects. In comparison to formal school choice processes, the tension between impersonal and personal values is not as tangible for parents. As projects combine expressive values like self-realisation and impersonal values like environmental awareness in their pedagogical approaches, parents are even able to satisfy both their personal and impersonal values while choosing an SE project. It is being discussed how parents can be strengthened in their role to pass on sustainability values, without creating an even greater inequality regarding environmental capital, as well as the importance of a symbiosis between EE and ESD projects to further sustainability education in Germany.

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