This research examines urban renewal in Clichy-sous-Bois, a suburb of 30,000 inhabitants located in the northeast of Paris. It studies the modalities of spatial racialization, nation building, and subject formation among Afro-French young men living in the city. It also builds on a world-historical perspective to explore the diasporic webs in which the lives of Afro-French are embedded. Taking spatial racialization as a point of entry, the study attempts to understand how governmental strategies and urban policies regulate lives and residential patterns in the city. Three lines of investigation are pursued: 1) an examination of Afro-French racialization and genealogies; 2) an analysis of narratives and struggles of these communities and their impact on neoliberal spaces; 3) an exploration of the various ways spatial governmentality constrains and/or produces Afro-Frenchness. The primary purpose of this ethnographic research is to comprehend the French colonial history and its impact on the racialization of diasporic Afro-French living in metropolitan France. For this end, the study proposes the notion of "Afro-French," an analytical concept that designates a constellation of groups from Sub-Saharan, North African, and Caribbean origins. The term provides a heuristic to comprehend the urban and cultural experiences of diasporic sub-groups who have different but overlapping genealogies. Second, the project helps understand why Afro-French living in Clichy-sous-Bois embody and at the same time transgress official narratives of the nation. It argues that France's nationalism, like other forms of European nationalisms, is facing a contradictory moment in the neoliberal conjuncture. On the one hand, discourses about liberalization of the economy involve the deployment of narratives that celebrate mobility and flexibility. This new dependence on a global neoliberal economy destabilizes national economies and erodes the state's structures. On the other hand, state actors diffuse identitarian and xenophobic discourses that blame ethnic and religious minorities for the socio-economic crisis. Third, the study argues that spatial governmentality and urban strategies enable certain aspects of Afro-Frenchness but constrain others: there is no homogenous or unified logic to regulate lives and spaces in Clichy.

Racial/ethnic differences underlying the illicit use of prescription stimulants (IUPS) were examined. A 2 X 2 (African American/Caucasian and male/female) design with n = 120 per group (mean age of 19.23, SD = 1.30) was used to evaluate survey responses regarding IUPS and their ADHD symptoms (using the Adult ADHD Self-Report Scale; ASRS). First, African Americans endorsed IUPS less frequently (p < .001) and reported lower levels of ADHD symptoms (p < .01). Second, participants rated three domains of risk for IUPS. African Americans perceived higher social risk (p < .001). No significant differences were found for legal or health risks. Third, African Americans perceived lower benefits for IUPS for concentration (p < .001), alertness (p < .001), and help with studying (p < .001). Minor gender differences are discussed and implications for targeting risk/benefit beliefs in IUPS prevention and treatment programs are discussed.

For decades, the United States has fought a “War on Drugs” with no success. This war has led to substantial increases in the number of individuals incarcerated in the United States prison system. The following dissertation investigates the impact of the Fair Sentencing Act of 2010 (FSA 2010) on sentencing decisions for crack and powder cocaine offenders sentenced in the federal system. The FSA 2010 is a federal policy that reduced the crack-to-powder cocaine quantity from 100-to1 to 18-to-1 in an effort to reduce racial/ethnic disparity in sentencing associated with harsh penalties. Specifically, I examined federal crack cocaine and powder cocaine offenders sentenced during the years 2005-2009 (pre-FSA 2010) and 2011-2015 (post-FSA 2010). I begin with a discussion of how the social construction of drug use has framed society’s ideas about drugs and how drug offenders should be handled. Second, I outline how the perceived threat of racial/ethnic minorities has contributed the disproportionate number of racial/ethnic minorities in the United States prison system. Data for these analyses are drawn from the United States Sentencing Commission’s (USSC) Monitoring of the Federal Criminal Sentences program for the years 2005-2015 and state data from the American Community Survey, the United States Federal Election Commission, and the FBI’s Uniform Crime Report. Multilevel analyses were used to examine the influence of extralegal, legal, and contextual factors on the incarceration decision and the determination of sentence length for federal drug offenders. Results revealed that the FSA 2010 has had some influence on federal sentencing decisions after its introduction. Additional analyses examined sentencing decisions for federal cocaine and methamphetamine offenses to determine whether the factors influencing sentencing decisions for federal drug offenders vary by drug type. The existing literature shows that cocaine and methamphetamine have been socially constructed in different ways, with cocaine production and use framed as a crime problem and methamphetamine as a public health concern. Supplemental analyses revealed that there was no substantive significance in the sentencing outcomes for federal cocaine and methamphetamine offenders. Theoretical and policy implications, limitations, and directions of future research are discussed.

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