This thesis is an ethnographic study of Taulli, a “Peruvian peasant community” (PPC) in the highland region of Ayacucho. PPCs are a paradigmatic type of Andean community with distinctive communal features and great historical significance. The thesis offers a detailed case study that contributes to an understanding of the maintenance, current role, and functioning, of these communities in the early Twenty-first Century. Additionally, this case study reassesses key theoretical and methodological approaches to the study of Andean cultures, defending the ongoing validity of community ethnographies and many aspects of 1960s-80s research in the Andean region (particularly its “long-termist” approaches). Specifically, the thesis examines the current role that the community (as a PPC) plays for the Taullinos -such as its respective advantages and disadvantages- in a context where far-reaching social change coexists with rich local traditions. On the one hand, it is argued that the community has become a channel through which Taullinos acquire access to new services and benefits, largely resulting from increased state intervention through unprecedented development-related initiatives. Despite their limitations and mixed results, it is shown how these initiatives partially adapt to and reinforce the local PPC status. The combination of this state intervention and other factors of change, especially emigration, are deepening local integration into national society and have brought remarkable improvements to the quality of life of Taullinos. Nonetheless, such processes are also hampered by severe problems and challenges, largely linked to a legacy of social exclusion and discrimination. On the other hand, it is argued that the community and local traditions continue to offer Taullinos a strong sense of identity and social cohesion, and some important practical advantages, in the context of social change. In particular, through their participation in the local communal organisation and ritual celebrations, which are key foci of this study. Furthermore, it is demonstrated how local traditions are dynamically reinvented to serve as a primary channel through which Taullinos experience and accommodate change. Therefore, although the local communal system is demanding and has many limitations, Taullinos unanimously accept and identify with it, and with the PPC status that guarantees its continuity.

Faculty of Science; School of Geography, Archaelogy and Environmental Studies; PhD Thesis / This thesis investigates agropastoral production and ecological conditions under which complex socio-political systems in the Shashe/Limpopo River Basin, southern Africa, periodically expanded and declined between ~AD 900 and 1700. Environmental reconstruction for this period, derived from multi-stable isotope analysis of modern and archaeological fauna from the area, demonstrate that agropastoral settlement and changes in their social, economic and political complexity were less driven by climate than previously had been assumed. Rather, at a relatively short-term climatic scale, these cultural events took place even as precipitation and temperature appeared to have fluctuated above and below the modern seasonal mean of ~350mm and ~22oC, conditions presently considered to be marginal for agropastoral production. Alternative to a climate driven model for settlement, ethnographies of traditional southern African agropastoral systems provide a comparative basis for understanding the range of environmental and social parameters that past agropastoralists in the Shashe/Limpopo River Basin may have employed to sustain population growth and intensify socio-political complexity in the face of short-and long-term climatic variability. Over a long-term climatic scale, the δ15N and δ18O values from Bos taurus and Ovis/Capra indicate that the initial settlement by Zhizo agropastoralists people, between AD 900 and 1010, took place under semi-arid conditions that were similar to, or only marginally wetter, than the present. This thesis suggests that the Zhizo settlement and their ‘capital’ site of Schroda were motivated by broader cultural factors, such as trade networks, and not solely by climate conducive for agriculture. As documented ethnographically, crops and livestock herds could have been sustained by taking advantage of various geographical features of the river basin, such as planting near outcrops where dammed water keep soils moist even in dry periods and using browse and crop fodder to offset diminished grazing lands. Results for sites dating between AD 1010 to 1415, support previous interpretations that the Leopard’s Kopje A and B cultural period ‘capitals’ of K2 and Mapungubwe, respectively, rose to prominence under a trend towards increased available moisture. The additional moisture would have facilitated the greater floodplain settlement recorded between AD 1010 and 129, which was most likely a response to increased population pressures of the capitals and the need to extend cultivated lands. This spatial shift was accompanied by an apparent greater management of livestock. The preliminary 87Sr/86Sr data, together with intra-annual δ18O and δ13C values, from B. taurus and Ovis/Capra indicates a geographical expansion of herd management took place with the transition from K2 to Mapungubwe. This thesis proposes that to sustain population and socio-political growth in the face of short-and long-term climatic variability, livestock management would need to be politically coordinated. Maintaining large-scale herds outside the river basin would have allowed for expansion of crop production onto previous river basin pasturelands, while extending territories or networks. Further, the δ15N and δ18O data indicates that the period of increased available moisture extended beyond the abandonment of Mapungubwe at AD 1290. Previous assumptions that link this event to the negative agricultural impact of a cool dry trend starting at ~AD 1300, as extrapolated from sub-continental scale climatic sequence, must be re-assessed. The isotopic data from Moloko/Khami cultural period sites suggest that drier conditions did not develop in the area until after ~AD 1450. Their initial settlement in the area during this drier period needs to be re-considered, as does the entire sequence from ~AD 900 onward, in terms of agropastoral production strategies within shifting natural, economic and political environments.

Desde a década de 1970, o número de casamentos no Brasil vem diminuindo significativamente. Novos arranjos familiares e formas de viver a conjugalidade ganharam espaço. A importância de ritualizações foi colocada em xeque por muitos casais que rejeitavam a ideia de formalizar suas uniões. O início do século XXI, no entanto, marca um renovado interesse dos casais em marcar a transição para o casamento com eventos cada vez mais elaborados, em uma tendência que já foi chamada de a "revanche do ritual" (SEGALEN, 2003). Em 2016, o investimento dos casais brasileiros em festas de casamentos rendeu cerca de 16 bilhões de reais (o equivalente a aproximadamente 5 bilhões de dólares) em ganhos para o setor de eventos, segundo o Instituto de pesquisas Data Popular. Acompanhando o crescimento desse mercado desde 2011, o Instituto vem registrando uma tendência de crescimento, mesmo em meio à crise econômica pela qual passa o país. O quadro é de um crescente interesse por complexos eventos de casamento, performados por homens e mulheres pertencentes a camadas medias urbanas. A partir de dados demográficos do Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística (IBGE), sabe-se que, nas últimas décadas, as pessoas casam-se menos. Por outro lado, a etnografia aqui apresentada permite afirmar que, quando decidem casar-se, sujeitos de camadas medias da população brasileira optam por marcar essa passagem com eventos cuja preparação exige um grande investimento de tempo e recursos financeiros. Nesta tese, apresento análises sobre este fenômeno, com base na etnografia que realizei entre os anos de 2013 e 2016, junto a sujeitos que protagonizam a organização de tais eventos. Trata-se de mulheres pertencentes a camadas médias urbanas, com formação superior e financeiramente independentes. Em vários dos casos observados, tais mulheres assumem a totalidade ou a maior parte dos gastos com o evento. A etnografia aqui apresentada se desdobrou em entrevistas em profundidade realizadas com noivas, acompanhamento de organizadoras de casamentos, observação participante em feiras do setor nas cidades de Fortaleza, Porto Alegre e São Paulo, participação em grupos virtuais de noivas e entrevistas com agentes deste mercado. Como resultado, destaco a compreensão de que os ritos contemporâneos aqui descritos nada tem de tradicionais no modo como são performatizados, mas representam novas formas de demarcar uma passagem cujos significados estão em transformação. Com os grandes eventos, os sujeitos procuram produzir lastro simbólico para suas uniões, em um momento no qual as relações são percebidas como cada vez mais voláteis. Além disso, esta tese apresenta reflexões sobre a invisibilidade dos ofícios que envolvem o cuidado, aqui representados na figura das cerimonialistas. Essas e outras questões são discutidas ao longo dos capítulos que compõem esta pesquisa sobre os ritos contemporâneos de casamento no Brasil e o mercado a eles dedicados. / Since the 1970s, marriage rates in Brazil have been decreasing significantly. New family arrangements and ways of conjugality have gained space. The importance of marriage as an institution was put in check by many young couples who rejected the idea of formalizing their relationships through a traditional wedding ceremony. However, the beginning of the 21st century was marked by a renewed interest in marriage in a trend that has been called the "revenge of ritual" (SEGALEN, 2003) specially among the urban middle class. This scenario poses an important question. Based on demographic data from the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE), it is possible to affirm that in the past 40 years people tend to marry less and later in life. Still, despite Brazil’s economic crisis, in 2016 the amount invested in wedding parties was circa 16 billion Brazilian Reais - the equivalent to 5 billion Dollars - according to the Data Popular Research Institute following the total growth of the country's wedding industry since 2011. The data gathered throughout my fieldwork add to the perception that when Brazilian middle-class subjects decide to engage in marriage, they tend to mark this passage with grand scale events that demand great emotional, financial and time investment. This thesis presents an ethnographic study carried out from 2013 to 2016 among people involved in the planning, production and consumption of such events. They are wedding planners and middle class, educated and financially independent women that, in several of the observed cases, choose to finance most or even the integrality of the event. I conducted in-depth interviews with brides and relatives, collected data from Whastapp and Facebook groups, worked along side with wedding planners and visited wedding Fairs, bridal shows and exhibitions in Fortaleza, São Paulo and Porto Alegre. This ethnographic experience leads me to stress that contemporary wedding ceremonies are not necessarily traditional in the ways they are performed by wedding planners and brides to be, but represent new meanings and practices attached to modern wedding rituals. With this kind of event, subjects strive to produce symbolic ballast to anchor their formal unions in a time in which personal relationships are perceived as being increasingly volatile and not made to last. This thesis also presents a reflection on feminized labour, notably emotional labor and care work conducted by wedding planners, ceremonialists and other female professionals involved in wedding ceremonies.

Desde a década de 1970, o número de casamentos no Brasil vem diminuindo significativamente. Novos arranjos familiares e formas de viver a conjugalidade ganharam espaço. A importância de ritualizações foi colocada em xeque por muitos casais que rejeitavam a ideia de formalizar suas uniões. O início do século XXI, no entanto, marca um renovado interesse dos casais em marcar a transição para o casamento com eventos cada vez mais elaborados, em uma tendência que já foi chamada de a "revanche do ritual" (SEGALEN, 2003). Em 2016, o investimento dos casais brasileiros em festas de casamentos rendeu cerca de 16 bilhões de reais (o equivalente a aproximadamente 5 bilhões de dólares) em ganhos para o setor de eventos, segundo o Instituto de pesquisas Data Popular. Acompanhando o crescimento desse mercado desde 2011, o Instituto vem registrando uma tendência de crescimento, mesmo em meio à crise econômica pela qual passa o país. O quadro é de um crescente interesse por complexos eventos de casamento, performados por homens e mulheres pertencentes a camadas medias urbanas. A partir de dados demográficos do Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística (IBGE), sabe-se que, nas últimas décadas, as pessoas casam-se menos. Por outro lado, a etnografia aqui apresentada permite afirmar que, quando decidem casar-se, sujeitos de camadas medias da população brasileira optam por marcar essa passagem com eventos cuja preparação exige um grande investimento de tempo e recursos financeiros. Nesta tese, apresento análises sobre este fenômeno, com base na etnografia que realizei entre os anos de 2013 e 2016, junto a sujeitos que protagonizam a organização de tais eventos. Trata-se de mulheres pertencentes a camadas médias urbanas, com formação superior e financeiramente independentes. Em vários dos casos observados, tais mulheres assumem a totalidade ou a maior parte dos gastos com o evento. A etnografia aqui apresentada se desdobrou em entrevistas em profundidade realizadas com noivas, acompanhamento de organizadoras de casamentos, observação participante em feiras do setor nas cidades de Fortaleza, Porto Alegre e São Paulo, participação em grupos virtuais de noivas e entrevistas com agentes deste mercado. Como resultado, destaco a compreensão de que os ritos contemporâneos aqui descritos nada tem de tradicionais no modo como são performatizados, mas representam novas formas de demarcar uma passagem cujos significados estão em transformação. Com os grandes eventos, os sujeitos procuram produzir lastro simbólico para suas uniões, em um momento no qual as relações são percebidas como cada vez mais voláteis. Além disso, esta tese apresenta reflexões sobre a invisibilidade dos ofícios que envolvem o cuidado, aqui representados na figura das cerimonialistas. Essas e outras questões são discutidas ao longo dos capítulos que compõem esta pesquisa sobre os ritos contemporâneos de casamento no Brasil e o mercado a eles dedicados. / Since the 1970s, marriage rates in Brazil have been decreasing significantly. New family arrangements and ways of conjugality have gained space. The importance of marriage as an institution was put in check by many young couples who rejected the idea of formalizing their relationships through a traditional wedding ceremony. However, the beginning of the 21st century was marked by a renewed interest in marriage in a trend that has been called the "revenge of ritual" (SEGALEN, 2003) specially among the urban middle class. This scenario poses an important question. Based on demographic data from the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE), it is possible to affirm that in the past 40 years people tend to marry less and later in life. Still, despite Brazil’s economic crisis, in 2016 the amount invested in wedding parties was circa 16 billion Brazilian Reais - the equivalent to 5 billion Dollars - according to the Data Popular Research Institute following the total growth of the country's wedding industry since 2011. The data gathered throughout my fieldwork add to the perception that when Brazilian middle-class subjects decide to engage in marriage, they tend to mark this passage with grand scale events that demand great emotional, financial and time investment. This thesis presents an ethnographic study carried out from 2013 to 2016 among people involved in the planning, production and consumption of such events. They are wedding planners and middle class, educated and financially independent women that, in several of the observed cases, choose to finance most or even the integrality of the event. I conducted in-depth interviews with brides and relatives, collected data from Whastapp and Facebook groups, worked along side with wedding planners and visited wedding Fairs, bridal shows and exhibitions in Fortaleza, São Paulo and Porto Alegre. This ethnographic experience leads me to stress that contemporary wedding ceremonies are not necessarily traditional in the ways they are performed by wedding planners and brides to be, but represent new meanings and practices attached to modern wedding rituals. With this kind of event, subjects strive to produce symbolic ballast to anchor their formal unions in a time in which personal relationships are perceived as being increasingly volatile and not made to last. This thesis also presents a reflection on feminized labour, notably emotional labor and care work conducted by wedding planners, ceremonialists and other female professionals involved in wedding ceremonies.

Desde a década de 1970, o número de casamentos no Brasil vem diminuindo significativamente. Novos arranjos familiares e formas de viver a conjugalidade ganharam espaço. A importância de ritualizações foi colocada em xeque por muitos casais que rejeitavam a ideia de formalizar suas uniões. O início do século XXI, no entanto, marca um renovado interesse dos casais em marcar a transição para o casamento com eventos cada vez mais elaborados, em uma tendência que já foi chamada de a "revanche do ritual" (SEGALEN, 2003). Em 2016, o investimento dos casais brasileiros em festas de casamentos rendeu cerca de 16 bilhões de reais (o equivalente a aproximadamente 5 bilhões de dólares) em ganhos para o setor de eventos, segundo o Instituto de pesquisas Data Popular. Acompanhando o crescimento desse mercado desde 2011, o Instituto vem registrando uma tendência de crescimento, mesmo em meio à crise econômica pela qual passa o país. O quadro é de um crescente interesse por complexos eventos de casamento, performados por homens e mulheres pertencentes a camadas medias urbanas. A partir de dados demográficos do Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística (IBGE), sabe-se que, nas últimas décadas, as pessoas casam-se menos. Por outro lado, a etnografia aqui apresentada permite afirmar que, quando decidem casar-se, sujeitos de camadas medias da população brasileira optam por marcar essa passagem com eventos cuja preparação exige um grande investimento de tempo e recursos financeiros. Nesta tese, apresento análises sobre este fenômeno, com base na etnografia que realizei entre os anos de 2013 e 2016, junto a sujeitos que protagonizam a organização de tais eventos. Trata-se de mulheres pertencentes a camadas médias urbanas, com formação superior e financeiramente independentes. Em vários dos casos observados, tais mulheres assumem a totalidade ou a maior parte dos gastos com o evento. A etnografia aqui apresentada se desdobrou em entrevistas em profundidade realizadas com noivas, acompanhamento de organizadoras de casamentos, observação participante em feiras do setor nas cidades de Fortaleza, Porto Alegre e São Paulo, participação em grupos virtuais de noivas e entrevistas com agentes deste mercado. Como resultado, destaco a compreensão de que os ritos contemporâneos aqui descritos nada tem de tradicionais no modo como são performatizados, mas representam novas formas de demarcar uma passagem cujos significados estão em transformação. Com os grandes eventos, os sujeitos procuram produzir lastro simbólico para suas uniões, em um momento no qual as relações são percebidas como cada vez mais voláteis. Além disso, esta tese apresenta reflexões sobre a invisibilidade dos ofícios que envolvem o cuidado, aqui representados na figura das cerimonialistas. Essas e outras questões são discutidas ao longo dos capítulos que compõem esta pesquisa sobre os ritos contemporâneos de casamento no Brasil e o mercado a eles dedicados. / Since the 1970s, marriage rates in Brazil have been decreasing significantly. New family arrangements and ways of conjugality have gained space. The importance of marriage as an institution was put in check by many young couples who rejected the idea of formalizing their relationships through a traditional wedding ceremony. However, the beginning of the 21st century was marked by a renewed interest in marriage in a trend that has been called the "revenge of ritual" (SEGALEN, 2003) specially among the urban middle class. This scenario poses an important question. Based on demographic data from the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE), it is possible to affirm that in the past 40 years people tend to marry less and later in life. Still, despite Brazil’s economic crisis, in 2016 the amount invested in wedding parties was circa 16 billion Brazilian Reais - the equivalent to 5 billion Dollars - according to the Data Popular Research Institute following the total growth of the country's wedding industry since 2011. The data gathered throughout my fieldwork add to the perception that when Brazilian middle-class subjects decide to engage in marriage, they tend to mark this passage with grand scale events that demand great emotional, financial and time investment. This thesis presents an ethnographic study carried out from 2013 to 2016 among people involved in the planning, production and consumption of such events. They are wedding planners and middle class, educated and financially independent women that, in several of the observed cases, choose to finance most or even the integrality of the event. I conducted in-depth interviews with brides and relatives, collected data from Whastapp and Facebook groups, worked along side with wedding planners and visited wedding Fairs, bridal shows and exhibitions in Fortaleza, São Paulo and Porto Alegre. This ethnographic experience leads me to stress that contemporary wedding ceremonies are not necessarily traditional in the ways they are performed by wedding planners and brides to be, but represent new meanings and practices attached to modern wedding rituals. With this kind of event, subjects strive to produce symbolic ballast to anchor their formal unions in a time in which personal relationships are perceived as being increasingly volatile and not made to last. This thesis also presents a reflection on feminized labour, notably emotional labor and care work conducted by wedding planners, ceremonialists and other female professionals involved in wedding ceremonies.

The aim of this thesis is to show how Europe is constructed at the intersection between archaeology, money and politics within EU cultural actions. Ever since the 1970s, the European Community has invested money and prestige in the idea of a common cultural heritage for Europe. Alongside symbolic attributes such as the flag and anthem, archaeological sites have been used as rhetorical fuel to create a sense of European belonging, much like in national identity building. As a result, archaeologists and heritage professionals have benefitted from EU funding for restoration of sites, training schools and cooperation projects since 1976. In order to address this mutual engagement, the research in this thesis explores the ways that EU grant systems in culture have fostered specific approaches to Europeanness, and how supported projects have responded to notions about a common heritage. By considering EU officials, expert reviewers, consultants and archaeologists as co-creators of the frameworks they participate in, this study raises the idea of financial ties as a place of interaction. The study takes an ethnographic approach and uses discourse analysis and tools from Actor-Network Theory. The material consists of observations made during an internship at the European Commission, 41 interviews with different actors, as well as policy documents, budgets and collected information about 160 supported projects with archaeological themes. This research demonstrates how the expectations linked to archaeology have turned it into both a problem and a promise in the search for a 'usable past' for the EU. On the one hand, archaeology has functioned as an anchor, mooring the notion of a common heritage to something solid. On the other, because of its strong commitment to nationhood, what archaeology claims for its own has often undermined the very idea of a shared European inheritance. Projects benefitting from EU support have taken advantage of the expectations placed upon archaeology to help create a European identity, using buzzwords and 'application poetry' in their proposals. Many projects continuously used EU goals and symbols in their outputs. Sometimes a European past and present was connected by rhetorically tying archaeological periods (such as the Middle Ages and Roman Era) and phenomena (rock art or landscapes) to the EU political project. This link was more manifest in public settings than in academic ones. Taken together, the considerations brought up in this study show that funding matters. The EU strategy of vagueness, in which instructions and evaluation criteria foremost decide the frames but not the content of the projects, has inspired applicants to 'think Europe without thinking.' Once an application is written and submitted, a chain of translations by different actors works to depoliticise the act of constructing Europe. The EU, just as other funding bodies, has become entangled in the political ecology of archaeology. An entanglement which is unavoidable, but which needs to be critically addressed. Funding sources matter for the way we understand both the past and the meaning of archaeology in the present. / Denna avhandling undersöker hur Europa skapas i gränslandet mellan arkeologi, pengar och politik inom den Europeiska Unionens kulturpolitiska finansieringsprogram. Vid sidan av symboliska attribut såsom flagga och nationalsång har företrädare för den Europeiska Gemenskapen och EU engagerat sig i idén om ett gemensamt europeiskt kulturarv, på ett metaforiskt såväl som ett materiellt plan. Politisk legitimitet har sökts med hänvisning till en mångtusenårig samhörighet. I samband med detta engagemang har arkeologer och kulturarvsarbetare sedan 1970-talet erhållit finansiellt stöd för restaureringsprojekt på platser av europeisk betydelse och transnationella samarbetsprojekt som kan skapa europeiskt mervärde. Studien undersöker banden mellan EU och arkeologi genom att lyfta finansiering som en plats för interaktion och meningsskapande. En etnografisk metod har tillämpats, där empirin består av fältobservationer från en praktikantperiod på Europeiska kommissionen, 41 intervjuer med olika aktörer, samt policydokument och arkeologiska texter. En databas med 160 arkeologiska projekt har även skapats. Diskursanalys och nätverksteoretiska begrepp såsom översättningar och svarta lådan har använts för att lokalisera och begreppsliggöra iakttagelser och meningsfulla skärningspunkter i materialet. Studien visar hur EU-tjänstemän, expertgranskare, konsulter och arkeologer alla deltar i utformandet av arkeologiska problemställningar och byggandet av professionella nätverk. EUs mjuka strategier, inom vilka instruktioner och utvärderingskriterier främst bestämmer ramarna men inte innehållet i de finansierade projekten, har inspirerat sökande att tänka Europa utan att tänka. När en ansökan skrivs och lämnas in startar en kedja av översättningar som leder till att olika aktörer avpolitiserar skapandet av Europa i samtiden. I resultaten framkom att arkeologiska projekt, genom att använda EUs målformuleringar i sina projektansökningar, ofta har utnyttjat EUs förväntningar på arkeologi om att skapa en europeisk identitet. I flera projekt knöts en europeisk samhörighet i det förflutna samman med dagens EUropa. Dessutom fortsatte många projekt att använda EUs mål och symboler i sina outputs. Här var EU-kopplingen tydligare i publika sammanhang än i akademiska. Sammantaget visar studien att val av finansieringskälla spelar stor roll. EUs finansieringsprogram har blivit en del av arkeologins politiska ekologi, en sammanflätning som är oundviklig men viktig att kritiskt uppmärksamma. Dessa band påverkar både vår syn på det förflutna och samhällets syn på arkeologi idag.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:19:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 SILAS ANDRE FIOROTTI.pdf: 3733347 bytes, checksum: f4c616e7fb536e42b73032c93af55dcb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-03-15 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Colonialism produced several speeches about local cultures, and the discourse of the missionaries is one of its variants and, in turn, are included in this speech the missionary ethnographies. We present a critical reading of two missionary ethnographies produced in Portuguese colonies, the territories of Angola and Mozambique. The first, entitled Usos e costumes dos bantos: a vida duma tribo sul-africana [The Life of South African Tribe], by Henri-Alexandre Junod (1863-1934); the second entitled Etnografia do sudoeste de Angola [The Ethnography of Southwestern Angola], by Carlos Estermann (1896-1976). We problematize the relationship between the missionary action, the Portuguese colonialism and local cultures of these territories of Angola and Mozambique, through the analysis of these missionary ethnographies. These ethnographies, besides presenting the richness of life forms of native societies, signal as they conducted the negotiations between the missionaries in their practices and the natives. / Resumo: O colonialismo produziu diversos discursos sobre as culturas locais, sendo que o discurso dos missionários é uma de suas variantes e, por sua vez, neste discurso estão inclusas as etnografias missionárias. Apresentamos uma leitura crítica de duas etnografias missionárias produzidas nas até então colônias portuguesas, os territórios de Angola e Moçambique. A primeira, intitulada Usos e costumes dos bantos: a vida duma tribo sulafricana, cujo autor é o missionário Henri-Alexandre Junod (1863-1934); a segunda, intitulada Etnografia do sudoeste de Angola, cujo autor é o missionário Carlos Estermann (1896- 1976). Problematizamos a relação entre a ação missionária, o colonialismo português e as culturas locais dos territórios de Angola e Moçambique, através da análise destas etnografias missionárias. Destacamos que estas etnografias, além de apresentarem a riqueza das formas de vida das sociedades nativas, sinalizam como se efetivaram as negociações entre estes missionários em suas práticas de missionação e seus interlocutores nativos.