The use of extra-legal factors in determining criminal sentences has long been a topic of interest to criminologists. Research on sentencing guidelines has consistently found unwarranted disparities related to defendants' ethnoracial identity, but there is limited research on the effects of defendants' citizenship status. Roughly 40 percent of defendants convicted in federal courts are non-U.S. citizens, thus by shear size, citizenship status has become a major issue within federal courts. Using U.S. Sentencing Commission data between Fiscal Years 2000 to 2003, this dissertation examines the impact of defendants’ ethnoracial identity and citizenship status on sentencing outcomes in federal criminal court. Building on intersectional theory, particular attention is given to the interaction between defendants’ ethnoracial identity and citizenship status. Decomposition of hetroskedastic tobit regressions are used to model unwarranted disparities for both the probability and length of incarceration. Results indicate that relative to White U.S. citizens, Asian and Pacific Islander U.S. citizens have lower probability of incarceration and shorter sentences. Black and Hispanic defendants, both U.S. and non-U.S. citizens tend to have harsher sentences relative to their White counterparts. Overall, non-U.S. citizens whom are Black and Hispanic experience a multiplicative disadvantage in sentencing outcomes relative to Whites and Asian or Pacific Islanders. Additionally, results from this study indicate that defendants whom are not U.S. citizens and from Africa, Asia and the Pacific Islanders, Europe, Latin America and the Caribbean, Mexico, and the Middle-East all serve harsher sentences relative to White U.S. citizens. / text

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The World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and related intolerance celebrated in the city of Durban in 2001 was not the first international forum addressing the topic of racism in different countries of the world. However, it marked a pivotal before and after in the arena of racial politics in some countries of Latin America. With a special focus on indigenous communities and peoples of African descent, this international platform brought together governments, civil society organizations, and stakeholders alike urging them to recognize the pervasiveness of racism and racial discrimination in their countries. In the specific case of Peru, the Conference was followed by the creation of a number of national institutions for the advancement of Afrodescendants and other ethnic minorities, and the integration of the existing legislation on racism and discrimination. This work seeks to analyze the political shift experienced by Afrodescendants in Peru that took them from an unrecognized demographic group to a racial minority protected by the law and with an affirmed political subjectivity.

Multicultural counselling and psychotherapy theory and research that focuses on ethnicity and race in cross-cultural counselling have pointed to concerns of oppression within counselling processes; however, an open exploration of oppression that may occur in session is not readily available from the perspective of clients. As such, this thesis research explores the lived experiences of oppression for ethnoracial minority clients who have engaged in counselling with white counsellors, with the aim of gaining a deeper understanding of oppression and power in counselling, and possible resulting harm. This research is positioned within feminist and multicultural lenses, influencing the interviews themselves and the interpretations of participant experiences of oppression in counselling. Philosophical hermeneutics was used as the methodology to inform data collection and analysis. Five participants were interviewed using a semi-structured protocol to explore their counselling experiences for the following domains of interest: oppression, power, and harm. Through the analysis process, four major themes emerged for oppression (i.e., Whiteness of Therapy, Therapist Cultural Positioning in Sessions, Microinvalidations by Therapist, Disconnection Between Therapist and Client), four for power (i.e., Relational Power Differences in Therapy, Power Over by Therapist, Client Disempowerment, Client Empowerment Through Resistance), and three for harm (i.e., Hindered Counselling Process, Impeded Psychological Wellbeing, Generalized Negative Beliefs). Implications are discussed with the hope of informing multicultural research and training to improve competencies of professionals working within cross-cultural contexts.

In the present study, we examined the role of ethnoracial discrimination, social support (viz., family & friends), and hope (viz., agency & pathways) in accounting for negative psychological adjustment (viz., worry & depressive symptoms) and positive psychological adjustment (viz., vitality & life satisfaction) in a sample of 203 (164 females & 39 males) multiethnoracial adults. Results of conducting a series of hierarchical regression analyses indicated that beyond ethnoracial discrimination and social support, the inclusion of hope was found to augment the prediction model of psychological adjustment. Within the hope set, agency was found to be uniquely associated with adjustment. Pathways was found to be uniquely associated with positive indices of psychological adjustment. The present findings are the first to highlight the significance of hope in multiethnoracial adults. Some implications of the present findings for understanding psychological adjustment in multiethnoracial adults are discussed.

Aux États-Unis, le « pentagone ethnoracial » s’impose comme un outil majeur de la conception identitaire. Son caractère hautement normatif participe à une mise en catégories du monde social en cinq nuances immuables : blanc, afro-américain, hispanique, asiatique et amérindien. Aussi approximatif soit-il, rien ne semble remettre en question sa validité, ni les exceptions identitaires, ni les tensions qu’il induit. Parce que le campus américain s’apparente à bien des égards à une microsociété, nous avons cherché à savoir comment ces normes identitaires se manifestaient à l'Université et à travers la vie associative ethnique. Notre attention s’est portée sur le développement, l’expression, la gestion de l’identité ethnoraciale ainsi que sur la question des liens de sociabilité qui en découle. Au terme d’une enquête de terrain menée sur cinq campus de l’État de New York, d’une série d’entretiens et de sondages, nos résultats montrent que l’association constitue souvent un terrain sur lequel se développent les mécanismes définissant les « frontières ethniques » dont les contours ont souvent été esquissés avant l’Université. L’inscription dans le contexte new-yorkais se justifie par l’impact de ses fortes inégalités raciales sur les schémas interactionnels et les mécanismes identitaires. New York, ou l’État de tous les paradoxes, permet de rendre compte des problématiques liées à l’appartenance raciale et ethnique à l’échelle de la société. Lieux privilégiés de (ré)confort, le rôle des associations ethniques s’interprète comme la preuve que la dichotomie Noirs/Blancs n’a pas totalement disparu et que l’historique color-line existe encore dans les faits et dans les esprits. / In the United States, the “ethno-racial pentagon” has established itself as a major tool to define identity. Its normative aspect contributes to the process of categorizing the American social sphere into a fixed number of categories: White, African-American, Hispanic, Asian and Native American. As imprecise as the ethno-racial pentagon is, identity particularisms as well as the tensions it triggers do not seem to be enough to question its validity. As American college campuses may be described in terms of a micro-society, we looked into how identity norms manifest themselves in college and more specifically in ethnic student organizations. We primarily focused on the development, the expression, and the management of ethno-racial identity as well as the question of socialization that this topic encompasses. After conducting a field research of five campuses from New York State and a series of interviews and surveys with ethnic minority students, our findings indicate that ethnic associations tend to provide a ground for defining “ethnic boundaries” whose contours have often been outlined before college. The designation of New York State as a case study is justified by the possible impact of its racial inequalities on social interaction patterns and identity development. As a state of countless paradoxes, New York allows us to consider the issues related to racial and ethnic identity at a national level. As unique comfort zones on campus, the role that they play has proven that the Black/White dichotomy which has been structuring the American society since slavery, has not completely disappeared and that the historical color-line still exists in both mind and reality.

Some of the strongest predictors of voting for Donald Trump in the 2016 presidential election were Christian nationalism and antipathy toward Muslims and immigrants. We examine the interrelated influence of these three factors on Americans’ intentions to vote for Trump in 2020. Consistent with previous research, Christian nationalism and Islamophobia remained strong and significant predictors of intention to vote for Trump; however, the effect of xenophobia was stronger. Further, xenophobia and Islamophobia significantly and substantially mediated the effects of Christian nationalism. Consequently, though Christian nationalism remains theoretically and empirically distinct as a cultural framework, its influence on intending to vote for Trump in 2020 is intimately connected to fears about ethnoracial outsiders. In the penultimate year before Trump’s reelection campaign, the strongest predictors of supporting Trump, in order of magnitude, were political party, xenophobia, identifying as African American (negative), political ideology, Christian nationalism, and Islamophobia.

Cette thèse porte sur la régulation de l’accès à l’espace public des mouvements sociaux représentant les minorités ethnoraciales par l’identité collective de la Nation française. Elle interroge en particulier les processus d’ethnoracialisation des groupes sociaux représentés dans les médias d’information généraliste (les « blancs » et les « non-blancs ») ainsi que la manifestation de la blanchité (whiteness) comme rapport de pouvoir. Elle est basée sur l’étude, effectuée dans une perspective constructiviste d’analyse de discours, de la médiatisation de deux collectifs protestataires, Ni putes ni soumises (mouvement créé en 2002 pour lutter contre les violences de genre dans les banlieues françaises) et le Mouvement des Indigènes de la République (collectif né en 2005 pour dénoncer les discriminations systémiques dont souffrent les personnes issues de l’immigration postcoloniale), dans la presse quotidienne nationale dite « de référence » (le Figaro, le Monde et Libération) et au sein des journaux télévisés de TF1, France 2 et France 3.Cette thèse s’appuie notamment sur les théoriciens de la reconnaissance sociale et la notion foucaldienne de « sujet » ainsi que sur les résultats des méthodes quantitatives et qualitatives effectuées sur corpus. L’analyse, pour chaque groupe protestataire, de son processus d’événementialisation au regard de celle de son identité socio-discursive représentée dans les médias, a montré qu’à l’intérieur de la couverture médiatique de Ni putes ni soumises et du Mouvement des Indigènes de la République, se construit implicitement le Sujet de la Nation française. Ce Sujet, « citoyen modèle » de la communauté nationale en partie défini par son genre et son attribut ethnoracial, circonscrit l’accès à la visibilité sociale des mouvements de protestation et leur possibilité de participer au débat public. / This thesis focuses on the regulation of the access to the public sphere of social movements representing ethnoracial minorities by the collective identity of the French nation. It discusses in particular the ethnoracialisation processes of social groups (the “white” and the “non-white”) represented in the mainstream media and the manifestation of whiteness as a relation of power.It is based on the study, in a constructivist approach to discourse analysis, of the media coverage of two protest groups, Ni putes ni soumises (Neither whores nor submissive, a movement created in 2002 to fight against gender violence in the French working-class suburbs) and the Mouvement des Indigènes de la République (Movement of the Indigenous of the Republic born in 2005 to denounce the systemic discriminations against people of postcolonial immigrant origin), in the national daily press of “reference” (le Figaro, le Monde and Libération) and within the television news of TF1, France 2 and France 3.This thesis is mainly based on the theorists of social recognition, the foucauldian notion of “subject”, and the results of quantitative and qualitative methods conducted on the corpus. The analysis, for each protest group, of its process of becoming-event in relation with its socio-discursive identity represented in the media, showed that within the media coverage of Ni putes ni soumises and the Mouvement des Indigènes de la République, the Subject of the French nation is implicitly built. This subject, the “model citizen” of the national community, who is partly defined by its gender and its ethnoracial attribute, limits and defines the protest groups access to social visibility and their ability to participate in the public debate.

Desis and Racial Minority Politics: Disrupting Assumptions of Ethnoracial Solidarity: Current sociological analyses of Desi political interests are incomplete because they gravitate toward flattened identity-based, and electoral-based, understandings of ethnoracial groups. This study examines the political agendas and campaigns of four political organizations, located in New York City and Washington, D.C., with South Asian-origin members and constituents. These groups are 1) The Washington Leadership Program; 2) South Asian Americans Leading Together; and 3) Seva New York; and 4) Desis Rising Up and Moving. I collected qualitative data via in-person interviews (n=40) and participant observations (n=10) with members and organizational leaders, and at public events and programs. A key finding from this study is that South Asians are not a cohesive political force. The narratives demonstrate that the political agendas and activities of each organization undoubtedly shift and evolve in response to racializing moments (such as the events and aftermath of September 11, 2001). The data also illustrate that because the political interests of South Asian Americans get activated in subgroups, along the margins, and fragmentally, their agendas still cannot be captured through a shared ethnoracial or "panethnic" experience. While the desire for ethnoracial solidarity comes from an identification of common cause, the internal fragments – defined by issues of class, religion, gender, sexuality, nation of origin, immigration and citizenship status, and language – point to the difficulty of developing an authentic practice of intra-ethnic solidarity for Desis. Further, each organization's relationship to building alliances and coalitions cross-racially further delineate the fragmented nature of Desi political values. Based on the narratives from participants and leaders in these organizations, I make a case for why sociologists need to expand their theoretical lens for interpreting South Asian political agendas and locate Desi politicization along an “assimilation-to-racialization continuum” that intersects the paradigms of “assimilation” and “racialization” in conversation with one another. The categories between the “assimilation-to-racialization continuum” are as follows: “Wholehearted Assimilation (of Racial Minorities into the Mainstream Elite),” “Model Minority Assimilation (into "Honorary Whiteness”) ,” “Normalizing Minority Representation and Racial Diversity,” “Racial Justice and Progressive Inclusivity,” and “Empowering the Most Marginalized for Social Justice & Transformative Change.” Although this study reveals the specificity of an “assimilation-to-racialization continuum” and its application to the political lives of South Asian Americans, we can nevertheless think of ways that this model can be extended to other ethnic and racial groups in the U.S. I posit that we adopt the “assimilation-to-racialization continuum” to better understand how fragmented ethnoracial communities engage the political sphere. / Sociology

Contextes différents en matière d’histoire et de temporalité migratoires, la France et la Catalogne en Espagne proposent un traitement politique relativement opposé des particularismes. Cette thèse s’intéresse plus particulièrement aux effets de l’ethnoracialisation des populations européennes sur les relations entre habitants des villes moyennes mélangées. Dans les deux pays étudiés, on constate une forme d’homogénéisation dans la pratique quotidienne de l’ethnicité des habitants. L’ethnoracialisation participe à reconfigurer les espaces urbains des villes moyennes, notamment à travers la constitution de centralités minoritaires. Or ces aires urbaines accélèrent l’imbrication des logiques ethniques et racisantes. Ce sont des espaces d’entre-soi, investis par les habitants originaires du Maghreb et ils matérialisent une frontière visible entre les groupes dans la ville. Egalement objet de stigmatisation et de contournements, les centralités minoritaires sont le lieu privilégié d’expression de tensions ethnoraciales dans la ville. Elles génèrent de l’insécurité urbaine qui facilite les processus de différenciation ethnoraciale et les amalgames sur les minorités. Les stéréotypes sur les originaires du Maghreb sont ainsi façonnés par l’expérience urbaine, l’histoire et le cadre national et le contexte plus global : on assiste à l’adoption commune de modalités de traitement des marqueurs ethnoraciaux, sous la rhétorique des civilisations. La peur des différences ethnoraciales justifie alors la naturalisation et la banalité du racisme et pour se dégager des assignations, les minorités usent d’un ensemble de stratégies de dépassement et de résistance au stigmate. / With different historical contexts and migration temporalities, France and the region of Catalogna in Spain apply relatively opposing policies concerning specificities. This PhD thesis focuses more specifically on the effects of the ethno-racialization of the European populations on the relations between people in mixed medium sized cities. In the two studied countries, we can witness a certain homogenization in the everyday practice of ethnicity of the inhabitants. The ethno-racialization contributes to the reconfiguration the urban spaces of medium-size cities, in particular through the establishment of minority centralities. But the urban areas speed up the intertwining of ethnic and racializing logics. These are spaces of self-segregation, invested by population from the Maghreb and it materializes a visible border between the groups within the city. Also subject to stigmatization and bypasses, the minority centralities have become places of ethnoracial tensions in the city. This creates urban insecurities which favours the process of ethno-racial differentiation as well as assimilating them to minorities. The stereotypes about people of Maghrebian origins are thus created through urban experience, History and the national scope, and the more global context : we can witness the common adoption of the use of ethno-racial markers, behind the rhetoric of civilizations. The fear of ethnoracial differences then justifies the normalization and banalization of racism and to escape these designations, the minorities use a numbers of strategies to surpass themselves and to resist the stigmatization.