Why does the extreme right grow in some parts of Europe while the radical left rises in others? In studies about both party groups, the hypothesis that economic distress provides them with opportunity is frequently tested. Yet, little effort has been employed in comparing their performances under different economic conditions. This article fills this gap through panel data analysis, with disaggregated data from eight countries in election years between 2002 and 2011. It finds that voting for extreme right parties increases significantly after the financial crisis outbreak of 2008, with no corresponding evidence for radical left parties. Also, extreme right support has a positive link to regional GDP per capita and a negative link to unemployment rates. In contrast, radical left parties perform better where unemployment is higher. The results suggest that economic downturns are mostly beneficial to extreme right parties, but this effect is increasingly neutralized in regions of high unemployment. / Por que a extrema direita cresce em alguns países europeus, ao passo que a esquerda radical cresce em outros? Em estudos sobre ambas as categorias de partido, testa-se frequentemente a hipótese segundo a qual eles têm janelas de oportunidade em crises. Ainda assim, pouco esforço vem sendo feito para comparar como eles se saem sob diferentes contextos econômicos. Este artigo preenche tal lacuna através de análise de dados em painel, com dados desagregados de oito países, em eleições entre 2002 e 2011. O artigo aponta que a votação da extrema direita aumenta significativamente com o desenrolar da crise de 2008, ao passo que não se encontram evidências correspondentes para a esquerda radical. Ademais, o apoio eleitoral à extrema direita é positivamente ligado a índices regionais de PIB per capita, e negativamente ligado a taxas de desemprego. Por contraste, partidos de esquerda radical se saem melhores onde o desemprego é alto. Os resultados sugerem que quedas na atividade econômica são majoritariamente benéficas à extrema direta, mas que tal efeito é crescentemente neutralizado em regiões de alto desemprego.

The prime objective of this thesis is to grasp the terms of continuity and discontinuity between classical fascism and the contemporary extreme right in Western Europe. With respect to a hypothetical ideal type of fascism, the study will exclusively focus on French Front National case and try to unveil its historical and ideological linkages to the fascist rules in Italy and Germany during the inter-war years. While doing this, the transformation (if any) which certain elements of the extreme right rhetoric went through, will also be examined.

Šio darbo tikslas yra išsiaiškinti, kokio pobūdžio yra šiuolaikiniai kraštutinių dešiniųjų politiniai judėjimai, nustatyti jų vietą šiuolaikinėje visuomenėje bei Europos Sąjungos šalių valdymo sistemose. Nustatyta, kad sudėtinga šiuolaikinę kraštutinę dešinę griežtai apibūdinti kaip vienalytį judėjimą ar įtalpinti ją į aiškiai apibrėžiamus rėmus. Dažniausiai šios pakraipos judėjimai įvardijami kaip fašizmo atgimimas, šiuolaikinės visuomenės socialinių-ekonominių problemų išdava, protesto forma prieš esamą politinę situaciją, ksenofobinių nuotaikų šiuolaikinėje visuomenėje išraiška. Šiuolaikiniai kraštutinių dešiniųjų politiniai judėjimai akcentuoja tradicinių partijų nuošalyje paliktų postindustrinei visuomenei būdingų problemų sprendimo būtinumą. Tai pagrindinė jų pastaraisiais dešimtmečiais augančio populiarumo priežastis. Dėl įvairių priežasčių kraštutinių dešiniųjų politiniai judėjimai ne visose Europos Sąjungos šalyse susilaukia ryškaus palaikymo, tačiau jų įtaka sprendžiant šių dienų socialines, ekonomines ir politines problemas aiškiai juntama, tad jų analizė yra būtina norint susidaryti išsamų vaizdą apie Europos Sąjungoje vykstančius procesus. / The paper is aimed at highlighting the character of the present extreme right political movements and defining their place in modern society as well as in the governing system of the European Union countries. It has been determined in the paper that it is rather difficult to categorize the present extreme right wing as a homogenious movement or to fit it into a certain frame. The movements of this trend are mostly identified either as the revival of fascism, the outcome of the current social and economic problems, a protest form against the present political situation or as the expression of the xenophobic feelings in modern society.

This is a study about the extreme right and populist meps in the European Parliament, and the purpose of this study is to explain how the ways they organise themselves in a political group within the European Parliament can influence EU:s democratic system in a negative direction.     The essay explores the rise of the right-winged parties in the European Parliament. Populism as a phenomenon is the ideology upon which the extreme right parties have based their politics and is something that could change shape dependent on the situation.     The essay thus investigates whether there is a connection between the phenomena and the low voter turnout in the European Parliamentary elections. The two research questions are 1. Can the low-level participation be a root cause of the extreme right and populist parties gaining power in the European Parliament? and 2. Is the impact a threat to democracy?      The European Parliament is one of the most important institutions in the European Union and is the only institution whose leaders are elected in public elections, therefore the low level of participation is an important issue to study.      The result of the study is that the extreme right parties pose a threat to EU:s democracy when they get to much power and the opportunity to change the political agenda.

Why does the extreme right grow in some parts of Europe while the radical left rises in others? In studies about both party groups, the hypothesis that economic distress provides them with opportunity is frequently tested. Yet, little effort has been employed in comparing their performances under different economic conditions. This article fills this gap through panel data analysis, with disaggregated data from eight countries in election years between 2002 and 2011. It finds that voting for extreme right parties increases significantly after the financial crisis outbreak of 2008, with no corresponding evidence for radical left parties. Also, extreme right support has a positive link to regional GDP per capita and a negative link to unemployment rates. In contrast, radical left parties perform better where unemployment is higher. The results suggest that economic downturns are mostly beneficial to extreme right parties, but this effect is increasingly neutralized in regions of high unemployment. / Por que a extrema direita cresce em alguns países europeus, ao passo que a esquerda radical cresce em outros? Em estudos sobre ambas as categorias de partido, testa-se frequentemente a hipótese segundo a qual eles têm janelas de oportunidade em crises. Ainda assim, pouco esforço vem sendo feito para comparar como eles se saem sob diferentes contextos econômicos. Este artigo preenche tal lacuna através de análise de dados em painel, com dados desagregados de oito países, em eleições entre 2002 e 2011. O artigo aponta que a votação da extrema direita aumenta significativamente com o desenrolar da crise de 2008, ao passo que não se encontram evidências correspondentes para a esquerda radical. Ademais, o apoio eleitoral à extrema direita é positivamente ligado a índices regionais de PIB per capita, e negativamente ligado a taxas de desemprego. Por contraste, partidos de esquerda radical se saem melhores onde o desemprego é alto. Os resultados sugerem que quedas na atividade econômica são majoritariamente benéficas à extrema direta, mas que tal efeito é crescentemente neutralizado em regiões de alto desemprego.

This thesis examines collective identity construction within the extreme right movement Alt-Right that gained public recognition during the 2016 US presidential campaign. Despite it being an increasingly stigmatized practice to openly articulate racist ideas in contemporary society, the Alt-Right movement managed to gain a following by doing just that. As collective identity funds collective action, a discourse analysis in line with Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe’s strand of discourse theory was conducted to understand what encourages and facilitates participation in the movement’s activities. The material consisted of articles connected to three different factions of the Alt-Right published online and the subsequent comments generated by these. The findings indicate that the collective identity constructed in the Alt-Right is white, masculine and heterosexual. This identity is constructed and reified through contrasting themselves against racialized and gendered Others. It is also reinforced by signs of intelligence, enlightenment, bravery and a sense of rebelliousness and fun linked to the collective identity. The Others are primarily constructed as the Jewish community, non-white groups, women and the LGBTQ community. The use of new information and communications technology facilitated the construction, in allowing participants to create virtual communities online where the collective identity was constructed and reified.

This paper is dealing with a textual content analysis of extreme right and extreme left youth organizations. A methodological framework for the analysis is described in chapter one. A special attention is devoting to the content analysis method. Ideological and theoretical placement of extreme right and extreme left are discussed in chapter two. This chapter is also dealing with the particular associations (KSM, SMKČ, DM). The content analysis ant its results are presented in chapter three.

Diploma thesis "National identity in France and its role in the politics of Nicolas Sarkozy" deals with national identity as a political instrument used by the former French president Nicolas Sarkozy during his five-year term (2007-2012). The main objective of this work is to prove that the national identity in his discourse served to increase his popularity or to obtain far-right voters and that Nicolas Sarkozy used this policy instrument throughout his mandate despite the fact that he officially turned away from it after a failed public debate on the subject in 2010. As methodological basis for research on the topic and achievement of the objectives "critical discourse analysis" was selected and also "analysis of metaphors" was used as its complement. In the theoretical part of the thesis some of the basic scientific findings that deal with the "nation", "identity" and the development and construction of "national identity" are presented and discussed . The research consists of three main chapters devoted to the analysis of Nicolas Sarkozys' speeches during the given period. Chapters are divided according to the changing role of national identity in Sarkozy's political discourse - from the campaign tool in 2007, through the recovery of this instrument in 2009 and 2010 to its insertion in the...

The study of race relations in England developed in the modern era amongst conflict between races, political parties and local communities. England, consisting of a predominantly white population, is an interesting case of race relations in that immigrants of color seem to be in the center of many of the most controversial conflicts of the past century. Existing research on race relations in England suggests that the region is largely racist due to the conflicts of the past and the current political success of the anti-immigrant extreme right-wing parties (ERPs). But the times at which these parties have been successful compared with high levels of animosity towards non-white immigrant groups have not been thoroughly studied in the past decade. This research will attempt to answer questions regarding racial hostility and ERP success. Do ERPs receive support from purely racist groups during times of high levels of immigration? Or is their racist rhetoric cloaked by logical justification for anti-immigrant policies? ERPs such as the British National Party and The National Front have risen, fallen, evolved and dissolved since the 1960s. They have, in some cases, worked together to gain votes, but eventually break apart to form small, non-political factions that concentrate on social protests. Most recently, England has seen the decline of these particular ERPs, although anti-immigrant social groups still remain strong. Those that were associated with recently dissolved ERPs may turn their attention United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP), a party that has a message similar to the BNP, but has a more consistent and attractive political platform. UKIP is an anti-immigrant party and its current success is an interesting case study in this thesis.

This study investigates the relationship between the current migration crisis in Europe and the escalation of far-right voting which has been witnessed since it's beginning. In order to do so this study utilized correlation experiments and detailed case studies to explore the relationship between legislative vote shares and asylum applications for the years 2009-2017 in the EU member states of Hungary, Germany, France, Greece and the UK. Control variables of GDP, unemployment and terrorist attacks have also been utilized to measure alternative causes of far-right voting. Results of these experiments vary quite a bit from state to state - finding differing potential causal factors in each case study. Germany, France and the UK show results which indicate that an increase in asylum applications potentially influence far-right voting habits. Greece does not show this type of result, but does show correlation with control variables. Hungarian experiments however do not produce correlation with any variables tested, but has the strongest presence of far-right activity which may indicate that Hungarian far-right success is attributed to their long history of far-right activity.