Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1981. / Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 85-88).

In light of new social risks, such as the decline in fertility rates in large parts of the industrialised world, family policies – for example parental insurance and public childcare – appear to put increasing focus on the individual’s ability to combine labour market employment with family life. This means that individuals become less dependent on their families, conceptualised as an individualisation of policy. Some argue, however, that family policy trends are more ambiguous than usually framed. The aim of this essay is to contribute to research on family policy by examining whether traits of familising policy – policies which increases one’s dependence on one’s family – are found even within countries usually described as fully individualised. This is to be achieved by an in-depth study of the current Swedish policy trajectory, which is often portrayed as a leading example of the individualising trend.  By performing a qualitative content analysis on a Swedish government inquiry from 2017 about the parental insurance model, familising and individualising policy aspects are searched for. The main finding of the essay is that while the individualising aspects of Swedish family policy exceed the familising aspects, there remains some policy traits with familising functions. This is mainly in relation to the degree to which policy is prepared to intervene in gender-unequal behaviour, affecting women’s real possibility of combining work and family. The clearest example is that the parental insurance model still targets couples as a unit: the larger part of the parental leave days are proposed to be available for parents who live together to divide between them as they like.

<p>This thesis takes as its point of departure the Swedish governmental family policy and the debate on the proposed reform ‘vårdnadsbidraget’. The supporters of the reform present it as something that will increase the freedom of choice for families and benefit the children, whereas the opponents warn for decreased equality and a return to the male breadwinner-model.<br /><br />From a constructivist perspective, language is closely related to power through defining and ascribing meaning to reality. By applying a feminist political theory on the debate within the Swedish national parliament 2007/2008 and conducting a discourse analysis, the aim of this paper is to analyse which concepts are used and how they construct to what makes a family within the political debate – is there any difference or similarity between the view of the opponents and the supporters of ‘vårdnadsbidraget’?<br /><br />The main conclusion of this paper is that even though the political ideal and rhetorical concepts differ between the supporters and the opponents, they still constitute the heterosexual nuclear family as an obvious norm in family politics. Even though the opponents of the reform are critical to the nuclear family as a ideal, their strife for gender equality contributes to reproduce the heterosexual nuclear family as the family norm.</p>

This thesis takes as its point of departure the Swedish governmental family policy and the debate on the proposed reform ‘vårdnadsbidraget’. The supporters of the reform present it as something that will increase the freedom of choice for families and benefit the children, whereas the opponents warn for decreased equality and a return to the male breadwinner-model.<br /><br />From a constructivist perspective, language is closely related to power through defining and ascribing meaning to reality. By applying a feminist political theory on the debate within the Swedish national parliament 2007/2008 and conducting a discourse analysis, the aim of this paper is to analyse which concepts are used and how they construct to what makes a family within the political debate – is there any difference or similarity between the view of the opponents and the supporters of ‘vårdnadsbidraget’?<br /><br />The main conclusion of this paper is that even though the political ideal and rhetorical concepts differ between the supporters and the opponents, they still constitute the heterosexual nuclear family as an obvious norm in family politics. Even though the opponents of the reform are critical to the nuclear family as a ideal, their strife for gender equality contributes to reproduce the heterosexual nuclear family as the family norm.

<p>This thesis takes as its point of departure the Swedish governmental family policy and the debate on the proposed reform ‘vårdnadsbidraget’. The supporters of the reform present it as something that will increase the freedom of choice for families and benefit the children, whereas the opponents warn for decreased equality and a return to the male breadwinner-model.</p><p>From a constructivist perspective, language is closely related to power through defining and ascribing meaning to reality. By applying a feminist political theory on the debate within the Swedish national parliament 2007/2008 and conducting a discourse analysis, the aim of this paper is to analyse which concepts are used and how they construct to what makes a family within the political debate – is there any difference or similarity between the view of the opponents and the supporters of ‘vårdnadsbidraget’?</p><p>The main conclusion of this paper is that even though the political ideal and rhetorical concepts differ between the supporters and the opponents, they still constitute the heterosexual nuclear family as an obvious norm in family politics. Even though the opponents of the reform are critical to the nuclear family as a ideal, their strife for gender equality contributes to reproduce the heterosexual nuclear family as the family norm.</p>

This master thesis is thematically treating three short stories of Andrey Platonov: Bessmertie, Fro and Vozvraščenie. The purpose is to examine how Platonov presents the Soviet family and to what extent it fits the Soviet family politics. The family portraits are analysed in comparison with the guiding principles of the doctrine of Socialist Realism with the trends of Socialist Realism and family policy of the time into consideration.       The first part describes Platonov’s life, the Socialist Realism, and the family policies of the Soviet Union. It also discusses how the influences of the time could have affected the author’s later works. The second part consists of an analysis of the three short stories mentioned above.      The conclusion is that there is an opposition between the task of working and family life in the stories. Despite the fact that Platonov problematizes this opposition, there are few signs that he writes with an intended direct opposition towards the Soviet power or censorship. The themes of his stories are instead in fact following the development of contemporary family politics, and that is a development with a Soviet family that is “withering away”. / <p>Min examen är från Masterprogrammet i språk. Programmet finns inte med under kategorin "Utbildningsprogram".</p>

The aim of this thesis is to give an overview of the population (family) development from its start in the fifties of the twentieth century until today and to suggest its possible focus in the future. In the theoretical part, the development of family and pro-population precaution in the former Czechoslovakia is described, including international context. The next thing that the theoretical part deals with is the development of the states support of families after the Velvet Revolution in the context of economical a political changes. The analytical part of this thesis deals with the development of fertility using detailed demographic data of sectional and cohort analysis. The conclusion of this paper outlines possible direction of family politics which could ease the life of families, for example in the context of the reconciliation between family and work life.

The thesis deals with the history of feminism both in the world and in the Czech Republic, its trends and waves. Some distinguished male and female feminism representatives whose works and opinions have influenced the development of feminist ideology are introduced. It also gives a survey of permeation as well as influence of feminism and gender on certain areas of private and social life in the European Union and in the Czech Republic. In the thesis legitimacy or illegitimacy of feminist demands and possibilities to meet those demands are discussed. The terms such as equality, discrimination, agenda on equality between men and women and family politics are mentioned, because they refer to areas of a prominent concern of feminism.

This thesis takes as its point of departure the Swedish governmental family policy and the debate on the proposed reform ‘vårdnadsbidraget’. The supporters of the reform present it as something that will increase the freedom of choice for families and benefit the children, whereas the opponents warn for decreased equality and a return to the male breadwinner-model. From a constructivist perspective, language is closely related to power through defining and ascribing meaning to reality. By applying a feminist political theory on the debate within the Swedish national parliament 2007/2008 and conducting a discourse analysis, the aim of this paper is to analyse which concepts are used and how they construct to what makes a family within the political debate – is there any difference or similarity between the view of the opponents and the supporters of ‘vårdnadsbidraget’? The main conclusion of this paper is that even though the political ideal and rhetorical concepts differ between the supporters and the opponents, they still constitute the heterosexual nuclear family as an obvious norm in family politics. Even though the opponents of the reform are critical to the nuclear family as a ideal, their strife for gender equality contributes to reproduce the heterosexual nuclear family as the family norm.