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中共自1978年開始對外開放之後，吸引眾多外國商人前往這個全世界人口最多也是經濟相對落後的國家來投資。當然，臺商也在這些外商之中扮演著對中國大陸投資的角色。臺商的投入大陸市場，多少具有幾分神祕的色彩，為求了解其投資的進入動機及其進入模式的選擇策略，而做此論文研究。Dunning將跨國性企業到被投資國投資的進入模式選擇，基本上定義受到專屬優勢、內部化優勢和被投資國區位優勢的影響。專屬優勢一般多屬於企業本身具有的特質，如企業的規模大小、企業的多國經驗、和發展差異化的產品能力等；內部化優勢主要指的是合約性的風險；區位優勢則主要受到被投資國市場潛能、投資風險、和生產成本的因素影響。OLI模式基本上提出企業的進入模式選擇決策受到OLI因素所左右，各因素間彼此的交互作用，會決定出不同的模式選擇，並因此發展出理論的五個假設，並得到驗證。大陸從計劃經濟過度到市場經濟，一切的體制並不完善，從開放至今始終被各國投資者定義為具有高度風險的市場，但相對的，其具有12億人口的市場，對各國投資者也不失為一重要的投資誘因。臺商為進入大陸地區，也採取了各種不同方式的進入模式。本研究就臺商的投資行為，以Dunning的折衷理論加以驗證其實際的投資進入行為，在臺商的實際投資行為以理論的配合上獲得部份的支持。經由本文的研究，可對臺商進入大陸的投資行為有一大致的了解，以此論文希對後繼研究者有若干的貢獻。對我國提出建議。

This thesis argues that the Australian military intervention in East Timor in 1999 was motivated primarily by the need to defend Australia’s own strategic interests. It was an act of Australian imperialism understood from a Marxist perspective, and was consistent with longstanding strategic policy in the region.¶ Australian policy makers have long been concerned about the security threat posed by a small and weak neighbouring state in the territory of East Timor. This led to the deployment of Australian troops to the territory in World War Two. In 1974 Australia supported Indonesia’s invasion of the territory in order to prevent it from becoming a strategic liability in the context of Cold War geopolitics. But, as an indirect result of the Asian financial crisis, by September 1999 the Indonesian government’s control over the territory had become untenable. Indonesia’s political upheaval also raised the spectre of the ‘Balkanisation’ of the Indonesian archipelago, and East Timor thus became the focal point for Australian fears about an ‘arc of instability’ that arose in this period.¶ Australia’s insertion of military forces into East Timor in 1999 served its own strategic priorities by ensuring an orderly transfer of sovereignty took place, avoiding a destabilising power vacuum as the country transitioned to independence. It also guaranteed that Australia’s economic and strategic interests in the new nation could not be ignored by the United Nations or the East Timorese themselves. There are therefore underlying consistencies in Australia’s policy on East Timor stretching back several decades. Despite changing contexts, and hence radically different policy responses, Australia acted throughout this time to prevent political and strategic instability in East Timor.¶ In addition, the intervention reinforced Australia’s standing as a major power in Southeast Asia and the Southwest Pacific. The 1999 deployment therefore helped facilitate a string of subsequent Australian interventions in Pacific island nations, both by providing a model for action and by building a public consensus in favour of the use of military intervention as a policy tool.¶ This interpretation of events challenges the consensus among existing academic accounts. Australia’s support of Indonesia’s invasion and occupation of East Timor from 1974 was frequently criticised as favouring realpolitik over ethical considerations. But the 1999 intervention, which ostensibly ended severe violence and secured national independence for the territory, drew widespread support, both from the public and academic commentators. It has generally been seen as a break with previous Australian policy, and as driven by political forces outside the normal foreign policy process. Moreover, it has been almost universally regarded as a triumph for moral conduct in international affairs, and even as a redemptive moment for the Australian national conscience. Viewing the intervention as part of the longstanding strategy of Australian imperialism casts doubt on such positive evaluations.

This project examines the foreign policy rhetoric of Bill Clinton in the post-Cold War world. My reading of Clinton’s rhetoric reveals that a change/order binary underwrote his oratory. Clinton defined change as being the underlying guidepost of the post-Cold War international setting. Order was defined through how he could guide, shape, direct, and manage American foreign policy in a sea of change, represented through his use of what I call America’s foreign policy vocabulary. This lexicon is based on three rhetorical components—the definitions of America’s role in the world, identification of the enemies we face, and the grand strategy we use to achieve American interest—have been a resource for presidential foreign policy discourse since America’s founding. Clinton’s use of this vocabulary maintained continuity in its use with his predecessors, but he also modified it in key ways to deal with the changes of the global environment. These modifications positioned Clinton to direct and manage the change to serve American interests which offered a semblance of order for American foreign policy in a sea of international disorder.

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This Master's Thesis studies the question of the presentation of the declenation and grammatical cases in Czech targeting Arab native speakers. This represents the most difficult as well as the most important area in Czech grammar. This work mainly focuses on the similarities and differences in typology between Czech and Arabic. The aim is to analyse the methods used in Czech grammar books meant for Arab students and raise their strong points and at the same time find their imperfections to use them as a potential for further improvement of the teaching process. A questionnaire helps us find difficulties linked with learning declension paradigms and Czech grammatical cases in the process of teaching and learning Czech as a target language. The conclusion then offers a number of lingvodidactic recommendations for teachers and authors publishing teaching material for Arab students.