For many years, workers petitioned the Supreme Court of Canada to intervene in labour relations to protect their collective bargaining rights. Finally, the Court answered the call, but the drastic changes made were not what workers expected. This thesis outlines the effect that the Court’s decision to intervene in labour relations had on the existing collective bargaining model. In making this determination, a historical analysis was done of the Court’s attitude towards using section 2(d) Freedom to Associate to protect collective bargaining, followed by a comparative analysis with United States jurisprudence to explain the effect of the Canadian decisions on the statutory provisions. The analysis revealed that the decisions had significantly weakened protections for workers’ rights, and provided the basis to conclude that the Supreme Court of Canada had used the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms to deradicalize the existing collective bargaining model.

For many years, workers petitioned the Supreme Court of Canada to intervene in labour relations to protect their collective bargaining rights. Finally, the Court answered the call, but the drastic changes made were not what workers expected. This thesis outlines the effect that the Court’s decision to intervene in labour relations had on the existing collective bargaining model. In making this determination, a historical analysis was done of the Court’s attitude towards using section 2(d) Freedom to Associate to protect collective bargaining, followed by a comparative analysis with United States jurisprudence to explain the effect of the Canadian decisions on the statutory provisions. The analysis revealed that the decisions had significantly weakened protections for workers’ rights, and provided the basis to conclude that the Supreme Court of Canada had used the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms to deradicalize the existing collective bargaining model.

Despite the fact that the issue has been discussed for several decades, there are still no rules in Sweden mandating political parties and candidates to disclose received donations. Because of this lack of transparency, Sweden is not fulfilling some of its international obligations and has fallen behind in the international trend to increase the transparency of election campaign finance. The lack of disclosure rules in Sweden has led to extensive criticism, most notably from the Council of Europe´s group of states against corruption, Greco, who criticized Sweden in light of the guidelines on the subject from the Council of Europe. At this writing, a new proposal for disclosure rules is being prepared at the Department of Justice, DoJ. The proposal is to be presented in spring 2013. For the time being, the only thing that exists regarding transparency of election finance in Sweden is an agreement from 2000, struck between some of the parties in parliament, to voluntarily disclose some of their received donations. In 2004 a government report proposed implementing disclosure rules. The proposal received extensive criticism from the reviewing bodies regarding its compliance with the rights protection in the Swedish Instrument of Government, RF. RF provides absolute protection against the government forcing individuals to disclose their opinions in political matters and absolute protection against the government keeping records of individuals' political opinions. Since these rights are absolute, they can be restricted only by constitutional amendment. It is uncertain if disclosure rules can be considered infringements under these absolute provisions, but even if they are considered infringements, it is likely that the disclosure provisions can be designed so as not to violate the RF absolute protections. Furthermore, RF provides relative protection of the freedom of expression and association. Disclosure rules would probably not infringe the freedom of expression but are likely to be considered infringements of the freedom of association. Restrictions of the freedom of association can only be implemented in the order specified in RF and since the order for restricting the freedom of association is very rigid, it is unlikely that such a restriction would be allowed under the current RF. The DoJ has expressed that the pending proposal will not include a proposal for a constitutional amendment. For Sweden to fulfill its international obligations in regards of transparency in campaign finance, more extensive disclosure rules must be implemented than those included in the agreement between some parties in parliament and those included in the 2004 proposal. The DoJ has expressed, however, that the pending proposal will be modeled upon both the voluntary agreement and the 2004 proposal. It is therefore not entirely unlikely that the pending proposal will be either illegal under the constitution or not far reaching enough, or both. / I Sverige saknas regler som kräver av politiska partier och kandidater att redovisa mottagna donationer (redovisningskrav). Detta trots att frågan diskuterats under flera decennier. Frånvaron av redovisningskrav innebär att Sverige inte uppfyller vissa av sina internationella åtaganden och att Sverige halkat efter i den mycket tydliga internationella trenden att öka transparensen kring valkampanjernas finansiering. Frånvaron har även lett till omfattande kritik, framförallt från Europarådets grupp mot korruption, Greco, som kritiserat bristen utifrån Europarådets riktlinjer i ämnet. I skrivande stund bereds vid Justitiedepartementet ett förslag till redovisningskrav som kommer att presenteras under våren 2013. Tills vidare är det enda som finns avseende transparens i valkampanjfinansieringen en överenskommelse från 2000, mellan några av partierna i Riksdagen om att frivilligt redovisa vissa mottagna bidrag. År 2004 föreslog en offentlig utredning införandet av redovisningskrav. Förslaget mötte omfattande kritik från remissinstanserna gällande dess förenlighet med regeringsformens, RF:s, rättighetsskydd. RF innehåller ett absolut skydd mot att det allmänna tvingar en enskild att tillkännage sin politiska åskådning och ett absolut skydd mot att det allmänna registrerar en enskilds politiska åskådning. Eftersom dessa skydd är absoluta kan de endast inskränkas genom grundlags-ändring. Det är osäkert om redovisningskrav kan anses vara inskränkningar av dessa absoluta skydd. Om redovisningskrav är inskränkningar av dessa absoluta rättigheter torde det ändock vara möjligt att utforma kraven så att de är förenliga med skydden. RF innehåller även relativa skydd för yttrandefrihet och föreningsfrihet. Redovisningskrav skulle förmodligen inte vara en inskränkning av RF:s skydd för yttrandefriheten men troligtvis vara en inskränkning av RF:s skydd för föreningsfrihet. Detta innebär att inskränkningen endast får göras enligt i RF stadgad ordning. Eftersom möjligheterna att inskränka föreningsfriheten enligt RF är mycket små är det tveksamt om en sådan inskränkning är möjlig att införa utan grundlagsändring. Justitiedepartementet har dock uttryckt att det nya förslaget inte kommer att inkludera något förslag till grundlagsändring. För att Sverige ska uppfylla sina internationella åtaganden avseende öppenhet i valfinansieringen måste mer långtgående redovisningskrav införas än de som ingår i den frivilliga överenskommelsen och som föreslogs av utredningen 2004. Justitiedepartementet har dock uttryckt att just utredningen från 2004 och den frivilliga överenskommelsen ska ligga till grund för de nya redovisningskraven. Det är alltså inte helt osannolikt att det kommande förslaget till redovisningskrav kommer att vara antingen oförenlig med regeringsformen eller inte tillräckligt långtgående, eller både och

In this thesis I address the question of sympathetic action - action by one group of workers designed to aid another group of workers in their struggle with an employer, manifested most obviously through refusals by workers to cross a picket line - through the lens of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. As the law currently stands in Canada, undertaking sympathetic action collectively is invariably illegal as it is considered an illegal "strike" under Canadian labour legislation. Further, workers who undertake sympathetic action - whether collectively or individually - can be subject to discipline or discharge by their employer. I argue that workers who undertake sympathetic action can have numerous motivations, ranging from economic self-interest to deeply-held political or moral beliefs (the latter manifested through the concept of "solidarity"), and that when those motivations include expressive or conscientious interests, sympathetic action should be entitled to protection by the fundamental freedoms of conscience, expression, and association found in section 2 of the Charter. I further argue that a each of these freedoms represents a different aspect of the inherent dignity and worth of an individual, and that a right to sympathetic action promotes both those freedoms and Charter values. Finally, I argue that a constitutional right to sympathetic action is a free-standing right that can exist even in the absence of a constitutional right to strike. This thesis reviews the current and historical state of Canadian law (in both the statutory labour relations regimes and in common law) regarding sympathetic action, the potential application of the Charter freedoms of conscience, expression, and association to sympathetic action, and finally options for reform that reduce or eliminate restrictions on sympathetic action and therefore make our labour relations system more in keeping with Charter values.

Thesis (doctoral)--Universiẗat Giessen, 2003. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 283-307).

Collective bargaining is one of the most important manifestations of the right   to freedom of association, because it serves as the mean through which unions can, progressively, improve labor conditions. It is because of its importance that the contentof this right cannot find itself limited in the possibility for employees  to negotiate their own remuneration, which is what is happening with public employees in our country.In this article, the author makes an analysis of the content of the right of collective bargaining and its limitations imposed by our regulation, from the perspective  of various national and international bodies. Those limitations would be unconstitutional, for they are restraining part of the essential content of the right of collective bargaining, existing, moreover, more suitable measures to achieve the balance between this right and public budget needs. / El derecho a la negociación colectiva es uno de las manifestaciones más importantes del derecho de libertad sindical, pues se trata delmedio mediante el cual los sindicatos pueden lograr, de manera progresiva, mejores condiciones laborales. Es debido a esta importanciaque el contenido de dicho derecho no debeverse limitado en cuanto a la posibilidad de los empleados de negociar su propia remuneración, lo cual sí sucede en el caso de los empleados públicos en nuestro país.En el presente artículo, el autor realiza un análisis del contenido y los límites impuestos a la negociación colectiva en nuestro ordenamiento, desde la perspectiva de distintos órganos nacionales e internacionales. Dichas limita- ciones serían inconstitucionales, dado que se está restringiendo parte del contenido esencial del derecho a la negociación colectiva, siendo posible encontrar medidas más idóneas para balancear el ejercicio de dicho derecho con las necesidades de presupuesto público.

This paper studies the impact that the social responsibility commitments of multinational companies are can have in the settlement of labor disputes that arise in its supply chain through a landmark case that occurred in Peru. There, the en masse dismissal of union members and their representatives by the textiles company Topy Top was resolved through the intervention of two international brands that were clients of that company. This intervention not only enabled the reinstatement of the workers, but also generated a series of instruments designed to develop a mature system of industrial relations. Through an analysis of the agreements and instruments adopted and the way the relationship between the company and the union developed thereafter, we evaluate the role that multinational companies can assume to ensure the compliance of fundamental labor rights. / El presente trabajo estudia la incidencia que son capaces de tener los compromisos de responsabilidad social de las empresas multinacionales en la solución de conflictos laborales suscitados en sus cadenas de producción, a través de un caso emblemático que se produjo en el Perú, como consecuencia del cese masivo de representantes y afiliados sindicales por parte de la empresa Topy Top, que se solucionó a través de la intervención de dos marcas internacionales que eran clientes de dicha empresa. Esa intervención no solamente permitió la reposición de los trabajadores, sino que generó una serie de instrumentos que tenían por objeto desarrollar un sistema de relaciones industriales maduro. A través del análisis de los acuerdos e instrumentos adoptados y la forma cómo se desarrollaron las relaciones entre la empresa y el sindicato posteriormente, se evalúa el rol de garantía del cumplimiento de derechos laborales fundamentales que pueden asumir las empresas multinacionales.

O presente estudo tem por objetivo identificar de que forma o direito de liberdade de associação vem sendo aplicado com relação às organizações da sociedade civil no Brasil. A partir da análise das diferentes dimensões da liberdade de associação e das normas que tratam das organizações da sociedade civil no Brasil pós Constituição Federal de 1988, apresentamos os principais desafios a serem superados para que as organizações da sociedade civil sejam tratadas de forma a melhor garantir o direito de liberdade de associação e um marco regulatório mais adequado ao seu desenvolvimento. / The present study aims to identify how the right to freedom of association has been applied with respect to civil society organizations in Brazil. From the analysis of the different dimensions of freedom of association and rules dealing with civil society organizations in Brazil, after the Federal Constitution of 1988, we present the main challenges to be overcome so that civil society organizations can be treated to ensure right to freedom of association and a legal framework best suited to their development.

A presente pesquisa analisa o direito à assistência jurídica integral e gratuita como pertencente ao grupo dos direitos humanos e também dos direitos fundamentais. Seu estudo é elaborado sob o aspecto do desenvolvimento do Estado do Bem Estar Social, do princípio da igualdade e da superação dos obstáculos ao acesso à Justiça. Nesse sentido, é enfatizada a função da Defensoria Pública da União como entidade responsável por prestar assistência jurídica no âmbito da Justiça do Trabalho, tanto aos trabalhadores necessitados, como aos empregadores que comprovarem os requisitos elencados pela lei para obtenção dessa assistência. Além disso, são analisadas algumas especificidades do Direito do Processual do Trabalho como o jus postulandi e a questão dos honorários advocatícios relacionadas ao tema da assistência jurídica. Por fim, em decorrência do tratamento legal concedido à prestação de assistência jurídica na seara laboral, é estudada com maior profundidade a função assistencial dos sindicatos diante do princípio da liberdade sindical e as modalidades de assistência jurídica que as entidades sindicais prestam a seus representados. / The following research analyzes the right to free and integral legal aid as part of human rights as well as fundamental rights. Its study is developed from the points of view of the Welfare State, the principle of equality and the overcoming of obstacles towards the access to Justice. In this regard, it is emphasized the role of the Federal Public Defender\'s Office as the entity responsible for providing legal aid services in the scope of Labor Court, for both workers in need and for employers who prove to meet the requirements listed by law for obtaining this assistance. Furthermore, we analyzed some particularities of the Labor Procedural Law such as the possibility for a party to plead his own cause and the matter of attorneys\' fees in labor cases related to legal aid. Ultimately, due to treatment granted to legal referral in the labor field, the assistance role of trade unions is studied more deeply next to the principle of freedom of association and the categories of legal aid services which these unions provide to their ones represented.

Even today freedom of association in the South African wine industry is a sensitive topic. The wine farm owners often claim their workers can associate freely but the workers could paint a different picture. This study investigates how the right to freedom of association can be provided in the South African wine industry through looking at the barriers to freedom of association, how stakeholders could align and how globalisation has affected the sector. The study explores the opinions of the key stakeholders involved in this complex and dynamic industry by conducting semi-structured interviews focusing on freedom of association rights. The thesis illustrates how the specific barriers to union formation are the intimidation factor, the nature of the topic as it is a psychological and subjective choice, the fact that farms are private property, a bad perception of trade unions, and the difficulty in auditing. The barriers could be diminished through stakeholder alignment, which would be emphasized through relationship building and a clearer definition of the industry players’ roles. Last, the thesis argues that too many codes of conduct could negatively affect the industry’s development with regards to ethical trade and that the domestic market could take more responsibility and push the market in a more ethical direction. The thesis gives important insights to international retailers that focus on ethical trade and might be useful for future policy improvements in South Africa.