This research explores the changing nature of social organization associated with the growth and breakup of large nucleated hunter-gatherer winter settlements in the Mid-Fraser region of south-central British Columbia, ca. 2000-300 cal. B.P. It uses hierarchy and heterarchy as overarching conceptual frameworks for theorizing and evaluating structures of social and political organization. Regional radiocarbon data were used to examine issues of demography and to evaluate the role of scalar stress in producing social change in these burgeoning communities. In order to explore aspects of economic practice and wealth distribution over time artifacts, fauna, and features from sixteen different housepits from five different village sites near the present-day town of Lillooet, British Columbia were analyzed. Results suggest that the villages formed around 1800 cal. B.P. and attained peak population ca. 1200 cal. B.P. The onset of the Medieval Climatic Anomaly at that time altered resource conditions, resulting in greater reliance on mammalian rather than riverine resources. Increased pressure on these resources led to the incorporation of greater amounts of small bodied mammals after 1000 cal. B.P. Apparent declining numbers of houses within large villages after 1200 cal. B.P. suggest that village abandonment began at this time, with individual families likely settling in dispersed villages. The large villages were totally abandoned by 900-800 cal. B.P. Lack of evidence for wealth differentiation in these contexts suggest that social hierarchy based on control over access to resources never emerged in the large villages and that more egalitarian conditions prevailed. Heterarchical structures that allow for shifting balance of power between bands and individual families is argued to have characterized the shift between population aggregation and dispersal.

This research explores the changing nature of social organization associated with the growth and breakup of large nucleated hunter-gatherer winter settlements in the Mid-Fraser region of south-central British Columbia, ca. 2000-300 cal. B.P. It uses hierarchy and heterarchy as overarching conceptual frameworks for theorizing and evaluating structures of social and political organization. Regional radiocarbon data were used to examine issues of demography and to evaluate the role of scalar stress in producing social change in these burgeoning communities. In order to explore aspects of economic practice and wealth distribution over time artifacts, fauna, and features from sixteen different housepits from five different village sites near the present-day town of Lillooet, British Columbia were analyzed. Results suggest that the villages formed around 1800 cal. B.P. and attained peak population ca. 1200 cal. B.P. The onset of the Medieval Climatic Anomaly at that time altered resource conditions, resulting in greater reliance on mammalian rather than riverine resources. Increased pressure on these resources led to the incorporation of greater amounts of small bodied mammals after 1000 cal. B.P. Apparent declining numbers of houses within large villages after 1200 cal. B.P. suggest that village abandonment began at this time, with individual families likely settling in dispersed villages. The large villages were totally abandoned by 900-800 cal. B.P. Lack of evidence for wealth differentiation in these contexts suggest that social hierarchy based on control over access to resources never emerged in the large villages and that more egalitarian conditions prevailed. Heterarchical structures that allow for shifting balance of power between bands and individual families is argued to have characterized the shift between population aggregation and dispersal.

High-elevation environments above 2500 metres above sea level (m.a.s.l.) were among the planet's last frontiers of human colonization. Research on the speed and tempo of this colonization process is active and holds implications for understanding rates of genetic, physiological and cultural adaptation in our species. Permanent occupation of high-elevation environments in the Andes Mountains of South America tentatively began with hunter-gatherers around 9 ka according to current archaeological estimates, though the timing is currently debated. Recent observations on the archaeological site of Soro Mik'aya Patjxa (8.0-6.5 ka), located at 3800 m.a.s.l. in the Andean Altiplano, offer an opportunity to independently test hypotheses for early permanent use of the region. This study observes low oxygen (delta O-18) and high carbon (delta C-13) isotope values in human bone, long travel distances to low-elevation zones, variable age and sex structure in the human population and an absence of non-local lithic materials. These independent lines of evidence converge to support a model of permanent occupation of high elevations and refute logistical and seasonal use models. The results constitute the strongest empirical support to date for permanent human occupation of the Andean highlands by hunter-gatherers before 7 ka.

The Olieboomspoort (OBP) shelter is central to this reconstruction of the Later Stone Age (LSA) history in the lowlands of the Limpopo in the Waterberg. The archaeological excavations were undertaken to answer questions that arose during previous research conducted on the plateau. OBP was clearly an important place in the landscape over time. Preliminary excavations established a sequence of occupations that began with the apparent intermittent use of the shelter by Early Stone Age people who left some of their large cutting tools on what is now bedrock. Subsequently, during the many thousands of years that humans frequented OBP during the Middle Stone Age (MSA), they brought in enormous quantities of lithics. OBP is cited for the remarkably large assemblages of ochre recovered from the MSA contexts (Mason 1962, 1988; Volman 1984; Watts 1998, 2002; Mitchell 2002; Wadley 2005a), but my recent research demonstrates a similar focus on the collection of haematite and ochre during the more recent periods. Such iron oxides feature prominently during ritual activities and in symbolic behaviour of modern hunter-gatherers and it is likely that they also did so in the past. The Holocene occupational sequence is extensive, but my excavations and analyses focussed on the last 2000 years of complex LSA history. Apart from the remarkably large lithic assemblage and many thousands of ostrich eggshell beads and blanks produced at OBP, favourable preservation conditions resulted in the recovery of a wide range of tool types made from organic materials, as well as a representative assemblage of macroscopic plant taxa. The data are used to demonstrate how the formal spaces were differentially structured over time by multi-band clusters and small hearth groups to meet their particular social and economic requirements. The differential use of space through time, and the spatial distributions of the different classes of material remains and waste, are explored by using a model of unconstrained cluster analysis (UCA) (Whallon 1984). As the OBP deposits are palimpsests of repeated visits, the UCA, which defines broad boundaries within distinct clustering, detailed general trends in behaviour and site use, and highlighted how the use of shelter space changed when only nuclear groups frequented OBP during the more recent period. Data from the last 2000 years of occupation at OBP chronicle some of the responses of the hunter-gatherers to rapid change in the area as a result of advancing social, economic and political frontiers. The two main pulses of intensification at approximately 2000 BP and again at 1500 BP correspond to the movement of herders and African farmers into the lowlands of the Waterberg. OBP remained a central venue for the aggregation of multi-band groups for more than a thousand years before and during the initial contact period. During these alliance visits, diverse socio-economic activities resulted in the deposition of a rich lithic and non-lithic assemblage. The lithic assemblage is characteristic of classic Wilton. Cryptocrystalline silicas and quartz crystals were the preferred materials used to produce a comprehensive range of formal microliths, and felsites featured prominently in the production of larger tool types. Demographic changes following on contact are underscored by marked changes in site use. Over the last few hundred years the incremental decrease in the production of all classes of subsistence goods reflects social disintegration. In as much as there are evidently continuities in the material culture, the markedly lower frequencies of the lithics and a sharp decrease in the production of decorative items such as ostrich eggshell beads make it likely that only nuclear groups continued to frequent the shelter. Changes in site use, intrusive economic elements, and the production of the different rock arts suggest some fundamental transformations in the economic and ideational landscape. On the Waterberg Plateau similar post-contact changes were evident in the archaeological assemblages. The Waterberg Mountain Bushveld of the plateau cannot support such a large and varied animal biomass as the Limpopo Sweet Bushveld (Estes 1991; Low & Rebelo 1998; Driver et al. 2005; Skinner & Chimimba 2005), and the intensive occupation of this region from approximately 800 years ago parallelled the movement of farming communities onto the plateau. The archaeological data as well as historic documents emphasise that huntergatherers participated in complex interaction networks. The expansion of indigenous farmer settlements ultimately enforced the displacement of many of the hunter-gatherers, whereas others were incorporated into farmer polities. Contemporary lithic assemblages on the Waterberg Plateau are characteristic of the post-classic Wilton stone tool technology, and felsite and quartz crystals were the preferred raw materials. Whereas the composition of the archaeological assemblages of the lowlands and plateau corresponds broadly, the differential use of raw materials, a broader range of subsistence tools and decorative items, and much higher frequencies of all tool types at OBP demonstrate the central position of this locality within the hunter-gatherer landscape. The environment not only provided sustenance, but OBP became a social space with real meaning linked to the identities of the people who frequented the locality over thousands of years. The regional differentiation found within the Waterberg is parallelled by the sequences in the Soutpansberg (Van Doornum 2005) where similar differential use of a particular environment underscores the diversity and complexity evident in hunter-gatherer lifestyles.At OBP a representative assemblage of African farmer ceramics and a markedly larger collection of Bambata ceramics also contrast with sites on the plateau where mostly Eiland farmer pottery and a few sherds of Bambata were present. The ceramic sequence contains a particularly fine collection of the enigmatic Bambata, the stylistic origins of which are addressed in the discussion. The identities of the users and makers of the distinctive densely decorated and thin-walled early ceramics collectively known as Bambata have not yet been resolved. Whereas the paintings certainly indicate the presence of herders on the landscape, it is not clear whether they or the African farmers introduced the Bambata to the huntergatherers who were indisputably using most of the ceramics, as suggested by their continued presence and production of lithic and non-lithic assemblages at OBP. There is also a full complement of the local Early to Late African farmer pottery traditions of Happy Rest, Eiland, Broadhurst, and Icon/Moloko. The San, herder and indigenous farmer paintings, which are representative of the regional sequences, illustrate the continuing central role of OBP. Rock art is widely recognized to reflect religious beliefs and social concerns. The San rock art also served as a medium through which power relations were negotiated between first peoples and newcomers. The region is a renowned repository of rock art. The different arts and their contents complement the findings based on the excavations and the vast body of southern African ethnography. The data are applied to explore how OBP served as an arena where people with different world views and customs performed their ritual and social practices. Historical documents on the Waterberg confirm the archaeological data that suggest a gradual disintegration of hunter-gatherer organisation, and their ultimate displacement to the fringes of African farmer and colonist polities. Small dispersed groups of hunter-gatherers continued to wander through the lowlands of the Limpopo or withdrew to areas where they felt safe from oppression. Some moved across the border to Botswana and into the Kalahari. The remainder were gradually incorporated into farmer societies through intermarriage or as subordinates, living either at farmer villages or in their own small settlements. Today very few traces of the Waterberg hunters, gatherers and fishers remain apart from some corrupted names of places where they once lived.

In this dissertation, I investigate the nature of social relations on the northern Northwest Coast during the Late Middle Period (500 BC to AD 500) through the rubric of House Societies as defined by Levi-Strauss (1982). In House Societies, corporate groups hold estates and wealth that are transmitted from one generation to the next. Houses were, and still are, the fundamental organizing principle in Tsimshian society. In the 19th century, Houses were central to systems of property ownership and social ranking. The antiquity of this institution however, is not clear. In this study, I ask whether Houses existed in the past in the Prince Rupert area and if so, what implications they might have had on social and economic relations. To investigate this question, I excavated two house depressions at GbTo-77, a small village site in Prince Rupert Harbour and considered whether evidence existed for long-term investment in place, the transmission of dwellings across multiple generations, and for owned estates or resource locations. The results suggested that one house depression (house D) showed some evidence for house reconstruction and maintenance, but over a relatively short period of time, particularly in comparison to other locations across the Northwest Coast. A second house depression, however, may have been used intermittently, or for an even shorter period of time than house D; no evidence was found for continuity between occupations or long-term investment in architecture. Faunal remains from both house depressions were very small and could not be reliably used to infer differences in owned resource locations. As such, the results of this study indicate that the house depressions at GbTo-77 likely do not represent Houses. These results are significant because archaeologists have often assumed that the house depressions forming organized, rowed villages, such as GbTo-77, are the remnants of Houses or incipient Houses. I explored also how architectural, stratigraphic and faunal evidence at GbTo-77 compared with these data at four other village sites in Prince Rupert Harbour. Few other house depressions were excavated sufficiently in order to adequately compare architecture remains between villages. The comparison of faunal remains between village sites in Prince Rupert Harbour, however, showed that there may have been important differences between villages in terms of economic systems, particularly in terms of salmon abundance, when compared with other fish taxa. The most significant differences in abundance were observed within column, bulk and auger samples (equal volume samples), indicating the importance of using small mesh screens (<2.8 mm) in faunal analyses. These data suggest that villages may have exerted control over important resource locations. The extent to which this control, or ownership, might reflect differences between houses, rather than villages, is not entirely clear for the Late Middle Period villages. I also observed significant differences in terms of shellfish composition at each village site. Variability in local resources may relate primarily to the precise location of these villages within the harbour, but may also have implications for our understanding of pre-contact land tenure practices in Prince Rupert Harbour.

In this dissertation, I investigate the nature of social relations on the northern Northwest Coast during the Late Middle Period (500 BC to AD 500) through the rubric of House Societies as defined by Levi-Strauss (1982). In House Societies, corporate groups hold estates and wealth that are transmitted from one generation to the next. Houses were, and still are, the fundamental organizing principle in Tsimshian society. In the 19th century, Houses were central to systems of property ownership and social ranking. The antiquity of this institution however, is not clear. In this study, I ask whether Houses existed in the past in the Prince Rupert area and if so, what implications they might have had on social and economic relations. To investigate this question, I excavated two house depressions at GbTo-77, a small village site in Prince Rupert Harbour and considered whether evidence existed for long-term investment in place, the transmission of dwellings across multiple generations, and for owned estates or resource locations. The results suggested that one house depression (house D) showed some evidence for house reconstruction and maintenance, but over a relatively short period of time, particularly in comparison to other locations across the Northwest Coast. A second house depression, however, may have been used intermittently, or for an even shorter period of time than house D; no evidence was found for continuity between occupations or long-term investment in architecture. Faunal remains from both house depressions were very small and could not be reliably used to infer differences in owned resource locations. As such, the results of this study indicate that the house depressions at GbTo-77 likely do not represent Houses. These results are significant because archaeologists have often assumed that the house depressions forming organized, rowed villages, such as GbTo-77, are the remnants of Houses or incipient Houses. I explored also how architectural, stratigraphic and faunal evidence at GbTo-77 compared with these data at four other village sites in Prince Rupert Harbour. Few other house depressions were excavated sufficiently in order to adequately compare architecture remains between villages. The comparison of faunal remains between village sites in Prince Rupert Harbour, however, showed that there may have been important differences between villages in terms of economic systems, particularly in terms of salmon abundance, when compared with other fish taxa. The most significant differences in abundance were observed within column, bulk and auger samples (equal volume samples), indicating the importance of using small mesh screens (<2.8 mm) in faunal analyses. These data suggest that villages may have exerted control over important resource locations. The extent to which this control, or ownership, might reflect differences between houses, rather than villages, is not entirely clear for the Late Middle Period villages. I also observed significant differences in terms of shellfish composition at each village site. Variability in local resources may relate primarily to the precise location of these villages within the harbour, but may also have implications for our understanding of pre-contact land tenure practices in Prince Rupert Harbour.

This doctoral thesis presents the results of the pioneering archaeological investigation conducted in the Northern Mexican Highlands with the aim to evaluate the existing indicators of the earliest human occupations at the end of the Pleistocene and discover new evidence of ancient cultural manifestations through a systematic exploration of an endorheic basic in the Zacatecas desert, a region never studied before. An exhaustive survey and analysis of the available literature on Mexican prehistory establishes the weak points of the local paradigms, differentiating between academic myths and objective realities. A complete historiography of the topic of the earliest humans in Mexico has been achieved, for the first time. The study of several collections of flaked stone artefacts, in different cities in Mexico, show new indicators of the presence of bearers of the Late Paleoamerican cultures, in regions where their presence had been weakly confirmed. The most important part of the research consisted in fieldwork realised during two long seasons; the first one dedicated to the surface explorations and the second one to excavations. Thirty-five new archaeological sites were discovered in the first phase, most of them open campsites reminiscent of hunter-gatherer societies, with a richness of stone artefacts on their surface. They indicate a long cultural sequence, going from the Late Pleistocene to the Late Holocene and the historic periods. Four sites were further studied by fourteen test excavation units: Dunas de Milpa Grande, San José de las Grutas, the Chiquihuite Cave and Ojo de Agua. Two new archaeological cultures were identified, one at Dunas (an interesting assemblage of limestone and basalt flaked stone tools) and another one at San José (a limestone concave-based points complex). First indicators of ʻolder than Clovisʼ human presence have also been obtained. The palaeoenvironmental data provide a preliminary reconstruction of the Late Pleistocene-Early Holocene landscape of the basin, based on geology, extinct fauna, phytolith and mollusc analyses. Radiocarbon and OSL results support a first cultural and paleoclimatic model for the study area. This investigation also discovered the first case of a “black mat” in Mexico: a black layer of sediment deposited under specific environmental conditions during the Younger Dryas cooling event.

Social networks have been essential throughout hominin evolution, facilitating cooperative childrearing, transmission of cultural knowledge and the sharing of information and resources. As hominins dispersed out of Africa, these networks needed to be maintained at progressively higher latitudes. The first part of this thesis explores the impact of latitude on brain organisation and the possible implications for social cognition. I hypothesise that the lower temperatures and light levels found at higher latitudes select for larger bodies and visual systems, which in turn necessitate larger somatic and visual brain areas. Using orbit size to index eye and visual cortex size, I demonstrate a robust positive relationship between absolute latitude and orbit volume in recent humans. I show that Neanderthals, who solely inhabited high latitudes, have significantly larger orbits than contemporary anatomically modern humans (AMH), who evolved in lower latitude Africa and had only relatively recently dispersed into higher latitudes. Since Neanderthals and AMH dated 27-75kya have almost identical endocranial volumes, I argue that if a greater proportion of the Neanderthal brain was required for somatic and visual processing, this would reduce the volume of neural tissue available for other functions. Since, according to the Social Brain Hypothesis, neocortex volume is positively associated with social complexity, I propose that Neanderthals might have been limited to smaller social networks than AMH. The second part of the thesis explores the challenge of maintaining social networks across greater geographic distances at higher latitudes, where high travelling costs seem to prevent whole tribes from bonding during periodic aggregations. Using a gas model I predict that at lower latitudes daily subsistence mobility allows sufficient encounters between subgroups for the tribe to maintain connectivity, whereas in (Sub)Arctic biomes additional mechanisms are required to facilitate tribal cohesion. This may explain the apparent ‘explosion’ of Upper Palaeolithic art in Europe: symbolic representations allowed social ties to be sustained in the absence of frequent face-to-face contact. Overall, this thesis demonstrates that latitude may influence both brain organisation and cultural expression and argues that both can have a substantial impact on the maintenance of hominin social networks at high latitudes.

Prior to this study, knowledge of Gobi Desert prehistory was mostly limited to early and mid-20th century descriptions of undated stone tool assemblages from unanalyzed museum collections. This research focuses on the use of extensive existing museum collections to establish a baseline chronology of technology, economy, and land-use for prehistoric Gobi Desert groups. Radiocarbon and luminescence dating are used to establish an artefact-based chronology and provide a relative age for 96 archaeological site assemblages. Interpretations of land-use derived from lithic analysis are compared to detailed regional and local palaeoenvironmental records in order to contextualize residential mobility and subsistence. Results indicate that a dramatic shift in land-use after about 8000 years ago was related to a combination of widespread forestation and the increased productivity of lowland habitats during a period of high effective moisture. Hunter-gatherers organized their movements around dune-field/wetland environments, but utilized a range of both high- and low-ranked foods such as large ungulates from adjoining plains and uplands, and seeds and/or tubers from dune-fields and wetlands. New radiocarbon dates indicate that the use of dune-fields and wetlands persisted into the early Bronze Age, overlapping with the rise of nomadic pastoralism across Northeast Asia. These findings illuminate the period just prior to the rise of nomadic pastoralism in Northeast Asia and add considerable depth to our understanding of hunter-gatherer adaptations within arid environments following the Last Glacial Maximum.

The &delta;&delta;¹³C and &delta;¹⁵N composition of incremental segments of tooth dentine was used to infer infant and childhood diet in a post-medieval London population, and a hunting and gathering Mesolithic/Neolithic group from Latvia. Health was analysed using defects on the tooth enamel caused by stress, termed enamel hypoplasia. The populations, which differ markedly in their economy, diet and health, were selected because of the difference in childhood experiences between the two groups. The results were used to consider questions about childhood, including how early diet may have been influenced by social factors such as class or status, the effect this could have on population dynamics and how childhood diet and health are related. The results show that the London individuals were rarely breastfed beyond 6 months and in some instances not at all. A small isotopic difference between males and females was observed which could be caused by dietary or physiological differences. The peak incidence of hypoplasia may be related to developmental patterns, rather than stress caused by weaning. The Zvejnieki individuals had a slightly longer breastfeeding duration. Those buried with pendants consumed a different diet in childhood to those without pendants, suggesting a complex social system, possibly indicating that diet was related to the role a person had within the community. There is a suggestion diet may have shifted between the Middle Mesolithic and Late Neolithic, although not dramatically. Neither population have elevated &delta;¹³C often associated with breastfeeding. The early life histories of the groups are not compared directly, but general observations concerning the children’s lives are considered. It is concluded that economy is not a reliable predictor of infant feeding strategies, as hunter-gatherers provide children with solid foods at a similar time to industrial groups. Intra-population variability was found to be a feature of all socio-economic groups.