Although Rapunzel criticism habitually concerns literary fairytales, this thesis contributes to the field a sustained examination of the feminist and patriarchal uses to which Rapunzel has been put, with close attention to the range of media, forms, and styles into which ‗Rapunzel‘ has been adapted, from 1970 onwards. It argues that each adaptation appropriates ‗Rapunzel‘ to repeat or disturb gender ideologies, and also extends or contracts the scope of the fairytale and its feminism. Underpinned by memetics, selective adaptation and fairytale theories, and Adrienne Rich‘s concept of ‗re-vision‘, individual chapters focus upon redrawing the boundaries of what makes a (feminist) Rapunzel adaptation a (feminist) Rapunzel adaptation. The thesis also examines the difficult question of why Rapunzel motifs or ‗memes‘ have persisted and whether this is due to the power of cultural ideologies or to certain universal human urges to which ‗Rapunzel‘ ostensibly appeals. As what is meant by feminism changes from the 1970s through to the present day, the selected works are considered in terms of terms of second- and third-wave feminism and postfeminism. Chapter 1 (the Introduction) establishes the approach and rationale. Chapter 2 examines the Grimm ‗Rapunzel‘ variants of 1812 and 1857 as a prelude to examining the ideological uses to which Rapunzel is put post-1970. Chapter 3 focuses on how four feminist poets subject the memes and morals of ‗Rapunzel‘ to different feminist revisions, and thereby challenge the patriarchal meanings invested by the Grimms. Chapter 4 extends this work by examining a feminist moral fable, two complex short stories, a psychological novella, and a graphic novel, in order to draw contrasts between celebratory and darker, more disturbing ‗post-fairytale‘ feminist Rapunzels. Demonstrating the many genres and media into which feminist Rapunzels have been translated, several adapters use the tale on behalf of various kinds of individualism and subjectivisation, and suggest a movement toward greater psychological complexity and interiority in their treatment of Rapunzel memes. Chapter 5 focuses on how Rapunzel memes translate to screen in the feminist reworking Rapunzel Let Down Your Hair (1978) and the postfeminist adaptations Barbie as Rapunzel (2002), Shrek the Third (2007), and Disney‘s Tangled (2010) and Into the Woods (2014). Chapter 6, the final chapter, further extends the analysis by examining Rapunzel‘s general prevalence in the cultural imagination, namely in adverts and on television. By assembling and giving fresh analyses of rare and well-known Rapunzel tales, the chapters critique the gender essentialism in fairytales and reinstate Rapunzel as key to fairytale debate. This research has led to the conclusion that post-1970s Rapunzels exemplify how fairytales appropriate or discard memes in accordance with the possibilities of genre and medium, as well as with the changing face of feminism over the last four decades.

This study examines the relationship between premarital cohabitation and egalitarianism in marriage using data from the two waves of the National Survey of Families and Households (N = 13,017). Multiple regression and path analysis techniques are used to test this effect. Cohabitation is viewed as an experience in which patterns of behavior and attitudes are formed that influence later marriages. It is hypothesized that this experience leads to a more egalitarian household division of labor and less traditional gender ideologies among married individuals who cohabited premaritally, as compared to those that did not. Path models test the extent to which cohabitation’s effect on later marriages is explained by the household division of labor and gender ideology at time-1. Based on attitude-behavior research, 1) a higher correlation between household division of labor and gender ideology is expected for premarital cohabitors than for non-cohabitors; and 2) a measure of attitude toward sharing housework should better predict household division of labor than does general gender ideology. The analysis showed that premarital cohabitation does have a positive effect on household division of labor and gender ideology in marriage through indirect (and possibly direct) paths. The attitudinal and behavioral measures were not more closely linked for cohabitors, and the specific attitude-toward-thebehavior measure was not a better predictor of household division of labor than general gender ideology. I conclude from this analysis that the experience of cohabitation leads to more egalitarian marriages and that this is largely due to household labor during cohabitation. / Master of Science

Studiens syfte var att undersöka om en jämställd fördelning av hushållssysslor och omsorg om barn påverkar föräldrars planer på att utöka familjen, samt hur värderingar angående jämställdhet samspelar med beteende gällande arbetsfördelning. I många europeiska länder är fertiliteten låg vilket kopplas till att kvinnors roller har förändrats under senare decennier. Andelen kvinnor i högre utbildning samt i förvärvsarbete har ökat, medan kvinnorna fortsätter att ta majoriteten av ansvaret för hem och barn. I Sverige är andelen förvärvsarbetande kvinnor hög samtidigt som även barnafödandet är relativt högt. Svensk familjepolitik har sedan 1960-talet skapat förutsättningar för jämställdhet och givit föräldrar konkreta möjligheter att dela lika på omsorgen om barn. Studiens teoretiska ramverk bygger på tre perspektiv. Gender equity theory utgår från att obalansen mellan graden av jämställdhet i samhället respektive inom familjen bidrar till lägre barnafödande. Gender revolution perspektivet vidareutvecklar detta och menar att ett ökat barnafödande är kopplat till att männen deltar aktivt i omsorg om barn och hem. Gender ideology perspektivet undersöker samspelet mellan värderingar och beteende, och hur detta har en betydelse för hur man upplever sin situation. Data är inhämtat från Generations and Gender Survey, och urvalet består av kvinnor och män som är 25-44 år, som lever i parförhållande och har ett eller två barn. Studiens beroende variabel är “barnplaner”, förklaringsvariabler är fördelning av omsorg om barn och hushållssysslor, samt variabler om jämställda attityder avseende mammors och pappors arbete, och materialet analyserades med hjälp av logistisk regression. Resultaten visade ett positivt samband mellan jämställd fördelning av omsorg om barn och planer på att utöka familjen, som dock endast var signifikant när interaktionen mellan värderingar och arbetsfördelning inkluderas i modellerna. Högst benägenhet att vilja utöka familjen har de individer som jämställt delar på omsorgen om barnen, men som har traditionella värderingar angående mammors arbete.

Gender ideologies, which are constantly changing, are important for many outcomes in life, but the majority of gender ideology research focuses mainly on adults. Past research studying adult gender ideologies finds that adults' current relationship status affects their ideologies. For instance, divorced adults hold egalitarian ideologies more than stable married adults do (Davis, Greenstein and Marks 2007). Researchers attribute this finding to the types of gender behaviors adults perform with their partner or alone. What about youth? Understanding how these ideologies develop earlier in life is important, yet research rarely focuses on youth gender ideologies or their development. My research looks at the effects of family structure on youth gender ideology in Germany (Germany National Educational Panel Study (NEPS); Cohort One N=4,181; Cohort Two N=9,913). I argue it is through doing gender that family structures operate to influence the development of youth gender ideology, since parents' doing gender behaviors performed with their children vary by family structure. My findings suggest family structure does not matter for doing gender behaviors that parents perform with their children, thereby affecting their gender ideologies. As a result, it is more about other ways adults do gender outside of the home or about the youth themselves. I also find significant effects for females, suggesting females may invest more in the outcomes egalitarian gender ideologies produce. Future research should look at shifts in family structure and duration in various family structures in order to understand family structure's impact on gender ideology for youth.

With dual-career couples comprising the most common family type, it is important for mental health professionals, employers, and policy makers to understand the unique challenges of this population (Haddock et al., 2001; Saginak & Saginak, 2005.) Numerous researchers have studied the consequences of family and work role strain for dual-career couples. However, when dual-career couples are able to share responsibilities and negotiate degendered roles they experience the benefits of dual-career couples. The literature clearly supports the importance of egalitarian roles for marital satisfaction and life satisfaction of dual-career couples. While researchers have studied social role strain, gender role strain, marital satisfaction, and life satisfaction and discussed the importance of degendered roles and responsibilities for dual-career couples, no studies have examined gender ideology. Saginak and Saginak (2005) called for researchers to investigate how gender ideologies and the gender socialization process perpetuate the challenges faced by dual-career couples in balancing work and family. This study investigated the associations between gender ideology and gender role strain, job-family role strain, marital satisfaction, and life satisfaction among 70 individual members of dual-career couples. A multivariate analysis of variance was utilized to investigate the relationship between gender ideology and the criterion measures. Gender ideology was partially associated with gender role strain with the androgynous gender ideology group scoring significantly lower on gender role strain than the masculine or undifferentiated gender ideology groups but not significantly lower than the feminine gender ideology group. Gender ideology was not associated with job-family role strain or marital satisfaction. In addition, gender ideology was also partially associated with life satisfaction with the androgynous gender ideology group scoring significantly higher on quality of life than the masculine or undifferentiated gender ideology groups but not significantly higher than the feminine gender ideology group. Thus, the current study indicates there are partial associations between gender ideology and gender role strain and life satisfaction for dual-career couples. Mental health professionals, employers, and policy makers working with dual-career couples should assess the socially constructed gender norms and expectations internalized by individuals into a gender ideology as the possible source of challenges experienced by the dual-career couple.

Media is taken as one of ¡§ideological state apparatuses¡¨ which reproduces and delivers dominant ideologies, and audience always internalize these dominant ideologies and take them for granted. Talk-show program is one kind of television genre, its gender ideology is constructed by daily conversion. In addition, inviting normal people to attend talk-show programs is becoming a trend; it makes ideologies closer to reality, and not easy to be found. Aim to understand how gender ideologies work in talk-show program, this study uses Taiwanese talk-show program ¡§University¡¨ as an example, analyzing 22 texts of ¡§University¡¨ by textual analysis. Besides, the other main purpose of this research is to understand the progress of production, so the researcher interviewed a producer and four guests of ¡§University¡¨ to have clearer concept about production. This study found that there are many topics about gender issue in ¡§University¡¨, and most of them focus on woman. Analyzing these texts, the results show that gender stereotype and patriarchal concepts are usually delivered when talking about gender traits, and in this program, they always narrow down diverse viewpoints about gender with binary opposition. In addition, discussing about love, they not only maintain traditional gender order -¡§men are strong, and women are weak¡¨ and ¡§men are superior, and women are inferior¡¨, but also use hegemony of heterosexuality to oppress women with romantic love, and exclude homosexual. In this way, women will become inferior and subordinate to men. Finally, when talking about appearance and dressing, it¡¦s full of mainstreaming values in ¡§University¡¨, and these values make women to be an object which is gazed and desired by men. Thus, under kinds of pressures of beauty myth, women keep disciplining themselves, and they are used as a product for selling advertisement. These situations make women become victims of beauty in the end.

No description available.

A study was conducted to test Tomkins' Polarity theory (1963) on the psychological basis for being ideologically liberal or conservative and its relationship with intolerance of ambiguity and gender differences. Normativism, the conservative orientation, was found to have a positive relationship with intolerance for ambiguity. Males were found to be generally less humanist than females. Theoretical background and relevant research is discussed. Suggested applications of this study are to political persuasion, voting behavior, and the psychology of partisanship. This study intends to contribute to the literature on the psychology of ideology, political behavior and ideological differences between men and women.

No description available.

Esta dissertação analisa como professoras mulheres da Rede Municipal de Ensino (RME) de Porto Alegre relacionam seu trabalho docente com os feminismos a partir dadiscussão sobre a narrativa conservadora da ―ideologia de gênero‖ nas escolas. A partir do uso de uma perspectiva sociológica crítica de estudos educacionais, a pesquisa utiliza os conceitos de hegemonia e ideologia para compreender a organização social. Em uma realidade tramada por disputas por hegemonia, em que distintas ideologias se fazem presentes de forma contraditória e pulverizada no senso comum, analisa-se o fenômeno da chamada ―ideologia de gênero‖ – narrativa inventada pelo Vaticano nos anos 1990 como tentativa de interromper os avanços dos Estudos de Gênero e movimentos feministas. Entende-se que, através de uma aliança conservadora entre neoliberais e neoconservadores, esse movimento ―antigênero‖ e ―antifeminista‖ tem-se popularizado no contexto educacional brasileiro. Embora tenha sido constatado debate crescente acerca da temática no campo científico, buscou-se investigar uma perspectiva ainda invisibilizada: a de professoras mulheres. Entende-se que quaisquer mudanças propostas e instauradas na legislação educacional concernem, primordialmente, às mulheres: são elas a maioria absoluta do corpo docente brasileiro da educação básica e, apesar de historicamente organizado e resistente como categoria, o trabalho docente se (con)forma ainda por heranças patriarcais e sexistas Através da condução de dois grupos focais com oito professoras, pretendeu-se observar aproximações e distanciamentos das perspectivas feministas com seus trabalhos docentes, utilizando como disparador dos debates iniciativas ―antigênero‖ e ―antifeministas‖, como as do Movimento Escola Sem Partido. Visibilizando contradições existentes nas dinâmicas sociais, foi possível constatar reverberações tanto dos discursos conservadores quanto dos feministas no senso comum das participantes. Inerentemente contraditório e heterogêneo, o senso comum é permeado também por elementos de ―bom senso‖, que podem causar identificação com discursos baseados no convencimento. Assim, a narrativa da aliança conservadora se dá relativamente bem-sucedida entre as professoras, causando identificação com o uso do gênero como instância biologizante e com elementos de culpabilização acerca de seus trabalhos. Observou-se preocupação de que, uma vez interessadas em desconstruir estereótipos e problematizar desigualdades de gênero/sexualidade, as professoras pudessem estar interferindo negativamente na formação identitária dos alunos Constatou-se também a presença de perspectivas feministas no trabalho docente das professoras que, em suas práticas, procuram acolher e legitimar existências distintas da norma binária e heterossexual e demonstrar olhar atento à (re)produção de desigualdades. Ainda que indiquem uma diferença geracional, cultural e social entre elas e seus alunos – interpretada como efeito da institucionalização de demandas feministas e LGBTT na sociedade e sua popularização no senso comum –, as participantes manifestam empenho em revisar suas noções aprendidas sobre o que é normal para melhor atender seus estudantes. Por fim, observou-se também discurso contraditório entre as professoras sobre a importância de políticas educacionais que proponham o debate de gênero: declaram considerar necessário o debate e, simultaneamente, parecem subestimar a eficácia de políticas. Por outro lado, em função de reconhecerem a existência de um contexto social que tem progressivamente legitimado pautas feministas e LGBTT, consideram inviáveis legislações que proíbam a discussão desse tipo de temática nas escolas. / This thesis analyzes how female teachers in the Public School System (PSS) of the city of Porto Alegre link their teaching practices to feminisms from a discussion about the conservative narrative of ―gender ideology‖ in schools. From a critical sociology of education perspective, the study uses the concepts of hegemony and ideology to understand social organization. In a reality permeated by disputes for hegemony, in which different ideologies are present in a contradictory and pulverized way in the common sense, this thesis analyzes the phenomenon of the so-called ―gender ideology‖ – a narrative invented by the Vatican in the 1990s as an attempt to interrupt the advances of Gender Studies and the feminist movements. Through a conservative alliance between neoliberals and neoconservatives, this ―antigender‖ and ―antifeminist‖ movement has become popular within the Brazilian educational context. Although a growing debate has been present in the scientific field, this study sought a perspective that is still invisible, that of female teachers. Any changes proposed and introduced to educational laws concern women primarily: they are the absolute majority among Brazilian basic education teachers, and, despite being historically organized and resistant as a category, teaching practices are still (con)formed by a patriarchal and sexist heritage. Two focal groups composed of eight teachers examined the approximations and distances from feminist perspectives within their teaching practices. ―Antigender‖ and ―antifeminist‖ initiatives, such as the movement for ―unpolitical schools‖, were used to trigger the debates. Considering the contradictions present in social dynamics, it was possible to verify reverberations of both conservative and feminist discourses in the participants‘ common sense Inherently contradictory and heterogeneous, common sense is also permeated by elements of ―good sense‖, which may make them identify with ―convincing‖ discourses. Thus, the narrative of the conservative alliance is relatively successful among the teachers, making them identify with the use of gender as a ―biologizing‖ instance and with elements of blame within their work practices. Concern was expressed that, because they were interested in deconstructing stereotypes and problematizing gender/sexual inequalities, teachers could be interfering negatively in the students' identity formation. The participants‘ discourses also evidenced the presence of feminist perspectives in the teaching work of teachers who, in their practices, seek to accept and legitimize existences that differ from the binary and heterosexual norm and to be attentive to the (re)production of inequalities. Although they indicate generational, cultural and social differences between them and their students – interpreted as an effect of the institutionalization of feminist and LGBTT demands on society and its popularization in common sense – the participants show commitment to revise their learned notions about what is normal to better serve their students. Finally, there was also a contradictory discourse among the teachers about the importance of educational policies that propose debates about gender: they declare the debate to be necessary, and at the same time seem to underestimate the effectiveness of policies. On the other hand, recognizing the existence of a social context that has progressively legitimized feminist and LGBTT guidelines, they consider that laws prohibiting the discussion of this subject in schools are unfeasible.