<p>More than 26,000 children under the age of 5 die every day on average, mostly in the developing world. Malnutrition accounts for up to half of those deaths, and diarrheal diseases account for another 17 per cent. The concentration of child malnutrition and diarrhea in developing countries should be of particular interest to sociologists because of the potential role of macro, structural and institutional forces in accounting for such cross-national disparities. This study focuses on country-level development, gender inequality, and democracy as three dimensions of structural violence that have important effects on child health in developing countries. In addition, the analysis also incorporates household and maternal characteristics that have already been shown to affect child health at the individual level. Using data from the Demographic and Health Surveys and several other archival sources, I conduct a multi-level analysis of young children nested in a sample of approximately 50 developing countries. Specifically, I estimate a series of hierarchical generalized linear logit models (HGLM) that predict the likelihood that a child is stunted, wasted, underweight, or has had a recent episode of diarrhea, based on a set of country- and individual-level explanatory variables. </p><p>The introduction in Chapter 1 describes the concept of "structural violence," the orienting theoretical framework for the dissertation. Chapter 2 combines several theoretical perspectives to examine the effects of household-level socioeconomic resources as well as country-level economic development, water, sanitation, health care, and education. Household wealth and maternal education are the most important predictors of child health at the individual level; whereas, GDP per capita, secondary school enrollment, and a "capability development" scale have the most robust effects at the country level. Chapter 3 focuses on women's decision-making and resource control by examining 5 aspects of gender inequality: education, employment, political participation, reproductive autonomy, and life expectancy. Taken together, the results demonstrate that child health is likely to be better in countries where women have more education, control over their reproduction, representation in national politics, as well as longer life expectancy. Finally, Chapter 4 explores the link between democracy and child health, paying particular attention to various ways of measuring democracy. Surprisingly, bivariate correlations between democracy and child health are weak, and multivariate models do not yield consistent or robust effects. Overall, this dissertation demonstrates how child health is embedded in social, political, and economic contexts of inequality larger than the individual that partially determine who faces increased health risk factors and who is protected from them.</p> / Dissertation

The United Nations Population Fund has identified gender inequality and gender-based violence as two of the main threats to women's reproductive health. In fact, researchers have estimated that between one quarter and one half of all women with sexually transmitted infections, including HIV, have abusive partners. Given the pervasiveness and far-reaching effects of these phenomena, it is essential to take steps to mitigate the possible negative consequences on women's reproductive health, including HIV status. This exploratory qualitative research study was designed to gain further insight into the contextual factors and personal experiences of HIV positive African immigrant women, with the goal of informing the development of contextually-tailored HIV risk reduction strategies. This study, guided by a theoretical framework based on Feminist Theory, Critical Race Theory and the Theory of Gender and Power, utilized in-depth interviews with six HIV positive African immigrant women. Narrative analysis was used to explore the women's narratives on the role of gender-based violence and inequality on their disease status. The main overarching theme revealed in the women's narratives was that marriage is a vulnerable status that can actually put women at risk for contracting HIV. This vulnerability is based on social norms that state once women are married, they: 1) should not say "No" to sex with their husbands, 2) should not ask their husbands to use a condom, and 3) should not divorce husbands for having concurrent sexual partners. The women's narratives showed how the gender norms and decision-making process they observed in their families of origin, and in the larger community, affect their sexual decision making in their intimate relationships. Their narratives also introduced us to their experiences of sexual, physical and emotional abuse, as well as physical and emotional neglect. Finally, listening to the narratives of HIV positive African immigrant women educated us on the stigma and silence around HIV in their community, in addition to paving the way for recommendations on preventing the spread of HIV in their communities in the United States, as well as abroad. Implications for social work practice and policy, as well as future research are discussed. / text

The aim of the study is to investigate the glass ceiling and the gender wage gap and reasons behind gender inequality in the banking sector of Sweden and Pakistan. / <p>Please find the attached master thesis pdf file.</p>

博士（経済学） / 甲第457号 / 124p / Hitotsubashi University

My work focuses on gender inequalities appearing in the Police of the Czech Republic, specifically police job positions requiring administrative work and field work which is primarily considered a masculine domain. I use an analysis of in-depth interviews with police officers who work in those places and I try to map how these women perceive and interpret gender inequalities in their jobs. how they deal with them and what role gender inequalities play in their decision whether to work in a masculine profession like this. The work uses the theory of gender perspectives, which builds on the argument that the labor market produces unequal conditions and unequal treatment for individuals who move here. The results of my work show that police officers are aware of the occurrence of gender inequalities appearing in various spheres in these positions. Respondents problematize some of the exposed gender inequalities respondents and indicate their possible solutions, some they perceive as natural and completely adapt to them. Keywords: gender, inequality, labour market, police

This study examined criticisms in the media that women and feminists are ultra-sensitive to sexual harassment, making false accusations that may ruin an accused man's career by empirically examining gender and feminist identity in relation to SH judgments for scenarios that varied by evidence strength. This study also examined whether those endorsing radically conservative views, specifically Right Wing Authoritarianism (RWA), are particularly insensitive to sexual harassment, denying that it exists even when evidence is strong. We hypothesized that perceiver gender, attitudes toward the feminist movement, stages of feminist identity, and RWA attitudes would impact perceptions of sexual harassment severity, accuser guilt, perceptions of future job consequences for the accused perpetrator, and perceptions of false accusations, and that strength of evidence would moderate these relationships. A sample of 961 adults was recruited from Amazon's MTurk to complete an online vignette study. Participants were assigned to a scenario condition based on a 2 (Hostile Work Environment vs. Unwanted Sexual Attention scenario) * 2 (Strength of Evidence: Strong vs. Weak) factorial design. Contrary to the popular belief that feminists are ultra-sensitive, findings indicated that women endorsing feminist beliefs were more cautious than others to judge a scenario as sexually harassing when evidence was weak. Those endorsing RWA beliefs, however, were more likely than others to claim a woman was making a false accusation of unwanted sexual attention sexual harassment regardless of strength of evidence.

Successful labor market integration is a key attribute in a well-accomplished migration policy. Previous studies show patterns of a gender gap in labor market integration of foreign-born, where females tend to have worse outcomes. Related to their weaker labor market position foreign-born, in general, tend to be affected by economic crisis to a larger extent than native-born. Studies point to this being even more apparent for immigrants migrating from outside of Europe. Few studies have yet studied the labor market effects of the Covid-19 pandemic. This paper hence investigates whether the gender gap in unemployment rates for foreign-born were affected by the Covid-19 pandemic, using a difference-in-difference and a triple-difference method. Considering the broad variation of attributes within the group “foreign-born” the paper also distinguishes how the effect differed with number of years spent in Sweden and the region of origin being inside or outside of Europe. The results show an insignificant impact of the pandemic on the gender gap for foreign-born in general, even in relation to natives. Looking into the heterogeneity within the group, we find that newly arrived show signs of being more affected by the pandemic compared to foreign-born that spent over three years in Sweden. The same thing goes for immigrants born outside of Europe compared to within Europe.

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Gender inequality persists in the workplace, including in the Canadian Armed Forces (CAF). The CAF is struggling to attain their goal of increasing the representation of women in uniform from 16% to 25%. One factor that may be contributing to their struggle is the cultural response of empowerment messaging to gender inequality. Empowerment messaging coveys that women can succeed in life through personal agency and optimism about the future. However, this seemingly positive messaging has the negative effect of increasing attributions of women’s responsibility for gender inequality while disregarding systemic barriers (i.e., women should overcome sexism because they have personal agency and the individual choice to do so). I contend that the CAF is using empowerment messaging in some of their public messaging, and I propose that the negative effects of empowerment messaging will generalize to the CAF context. In two experiments (total N = 812), exposure to empowerment messaging from a CAF video directly increased the burden placed on women to solve gender inequality in the CAF and indirectly predicted more blame placed on women for causing gender inequality in the CAF. This research suggests that institutional empowerment messaging meant to motivate and inspire women may in fact harm women. The CAF and other institutions struggling with gender inequality should avoid using empowerment messaging in their public communications to prevent harming women, especially with their focus on increasing the number of women in their organizations. / Graduate / 2023-08-10

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