Das internationale Konzept Gender Budget wurde entwickelt als Strategie zur Herstellung von Geschlechtergerechtigkeit in und mit öffentlichen Haushalten. Seine Wurzeln liegen in der internationalen Entwicklungspolitik ebenso wie in der Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung. Als finanzpolitische Komponente des universalen Programmes Gender Main-streaming erzielte es seinen öffentlichen Durchbruch seit der 4. Weltfrauen-konferenz 1995 in Peking. Die Europäische Union hat sich das Gedankengut zu eigen gemacht, in ihren Verträgen und Richtlinien juristisch festgeschrieben und somit den Mitgliedsstaaten zur Realisierung aufgetragen. In Deutschland erfolgt die Implementierung bisher eher punktuell und dilatorisch, so dass das Konzept auch Jahre nach seiner Entstehung nur wenige praktische Beispiele hervorgebracht hat. Hierunter befinden sich auf der operativen Ebene bereits einige Öffentliche Bibliotheken. Diesen mangelt es nicht an Erfahrung mit Reformprozessen – vom Wandel des Medienmarktes bis hin zu den Verwaltungsreformen. Bibliotheken erheben traditionell umfangreiches Datenmaterial und sind geübt im Umgang mit den Erfordernissen von Frauenarbeitsplätzen. Auf dieser Grundlage erweisen sich die Öffentlichen Bibliotheken als geeigneter Gegenstand für die Untersuchung von Bedeutung und prospektiven Auswirkungen des neuen Konzeptes. Nutzerschaft und Personal werden einer Gender-Analyse unterzogen und die Ansatzpunkte für künftige Gender Budgets explizit herausgearbeitet. Deutlich sichtbar wird hierdurch der Handlungsbedarf, der zu geschlechtergerechten Reformen führen soll. Der methodische Gender Budgeting-Prozess bedarf der Initiierung durch Politik und Verwaltungsspitze, um als Top-down-Prozess mit der erforderlichen Nachdrücklich-keit wirksam zu werden. Und er benötigt umfassenderes Datenmaterial aus allen Verwaltungsabteilungen zur Herstellung von Transparenz und zur gendergerechten Verteilung der Finanzmittel innerhalb des kommunalen Haushaltes. / The international concept of gender budget has been developed as a strategy to create gender equality for and with public funds. It is rooted in the international development policy as well as in gender studies. As a financial policy component of the universal programme of gender main-streaming it has had its public break-through since the 4th international women’s conference in Beijing in 1995. The European Union has adopted the ideas and stipulated them in its contracts and guidelines and, thus, entrusted the member states to put them into practise. In Germany, the implementation has been effected so far only in some places and in a dilatory way so that the concept has produced only few practical examples even years after its creation. Among these, there are already some public libraries on the level of operation. They are not lacking in experience with reform processes – from the change of the media market to the administrative reforms. Libraries traditionally gather comprehensive data material and are used to handling requirements regarding women’s workplaces. On this basis, the public libraries are a suitable subject as to the examination of the significance and prospective impacts of the concept. The users and the personnel are subject to a gender analysis and the starting points for future gender budgets are elaborated explicitly. Thereby, the need for action which shall lead to reforms regarding gender equality becomes clearly visible. The methodical gender budgeting process must be initiated by politics and the administrative management in order to become effective as a top-down process with the necessary emphasis. Moreover, it requires more extensive data material from all the administrative departments in order to create transparency and to allocate the funds of the communal budget in consideration of gender equality.

Die Arbeit untersucht die Bedeutung der inhaltlichen Ausgestaltung von Geschlechterpolitik am Beispiel von Gender Mainstreaming mit theoretischen Angeboten und Versatzstücken von feministischen Theorien in deutschen Kommunen. Auf Grundlage einer Analyse kommunaler Dokumente und qualitativer Interviews wird gezeigt, welches feministische Wissen in Geschlechterpolitik einfließt, welche Filter und Transferbruchstellen wirksam werden und welche Folgen dies für die theoretische Ausgestaltung von Politikstrategien wie Gender Mainstreaming hat. Deutlich wird, dass es weniger zu einer zunehmenden Kluft zwischen Theorieangeboten und Geschlechterpolitik kommt, sondern vielmehr zu einer selektiven Übernahme bestimmter Theorieangebote, die sich nicht immer passgenau in Strukturen und Institutionen von Geschlechterpolitik einfügen und die daher vielfältige Verwerfungen mit sich bringen können. Abschließend werden die Folgen eines solchen Ausschlusses und einer solchen exklusiven Verwendung bestimmter feministischer Theorieangebote und mögliche Alternativen für die politische Praxis besprochen. / This doctoral thesis presents empirical results of an interdisciplinary study, which explores the configuration of ‘gender mainstreaming’ with feminist theory in German municipalities. The results are based on the analysis of municipal documents and qualitative interviews in ten German municipalities. Drawing on the example of the strategy of ‘gender mainstreaming’ this study emphasizes the theoretical configuration of gender policy with components and elements of feminist knowledge. It shows to what extend different generations or bundles of feminist theory are of particular relevance for political practice. The study presents empirical evidence that the configuration of ‘gender mainstreaming’ predominantly refers to a small range of feminist theories, while specific feminist theories like very recent theoretical trends are expelled. As a consequence feminist knowledge is not only extremely fractured, but also creates rupture zones when being transferred into political practice. Concluding the study raises the question for the actual effects of this exclusive usage of feminist theory within political practice and political movements.

More than a decade has now passed since the concept of “gender mainstreaming” and polices addressing a gender perspective first appeared on the international agenda, yet evaluations on these policies’ implementation show that progress has been slow in the field of humanitarian assistance. As executive workers, the humanitarian field staff have in policy documents been identified as crucial actors in the “gender mainstreaming” work, however, no previous research have been found evaluating their achievements in the field. This study examines if formulated gender policies, within Swedish humanitarian organisations and agencies, are implemented and translated into action in the field. This was carried out by investigating Swedish humanitarian fieldworkers’ gender sensitiveness and experiences of working with a gender perspective in the field. The empirical material was collected from qualitative deep interviews with ten fieldworkers from four different humanitarian organisations/agencies. The interview data was then analysed by using a theoretical framework based on Gender theory, Postcolonial feminist theory and Policy implementation theory. The results show that even though most of the interviewed fieldworkers mean that they are aware of gender issues and the importance of using a gender perspective in the field, they have a general low understanding of the gender concept. An emerging “cultural sensitivity versus gender policy implementation” dilemma was valid and possibly affecting the informants’ attempts to act on formulated policies. Moreover, the method that the organisations/agencies use when educating staff on gender issues seem to have an impact on this dilemma. It became apparent that the fieldworkers underestimate their own responsibility in using a gender perspective in the field; at the same time the organisations/agencies overestimate their workers’ capacity to implement their gender policies. Much also indicate on how a still old-fashioned gender discourse is produced, and reproduced, in gender policy formulations and among the fieldworkers. In conclusion, it seems like a gap occur between the initial intention of a policy, its formulation, interpretation and the final intervention result. / Mer än ett decennium har passerat sedan begreppet "gender mainstreaming " och genus policys först dök upp på den internationella dagordningen. Trots detta visar utvärderingar att genomförandet av dessa policyer varit långsamt inom humanitärt- och katastrofbistånd. Som verkställande arbetare har personalen inom humanitär verksamhet i flera policydokument identifierats som viktiga aktörer för arbetet mot att implementera genus policys, dock har ingen tidigare forskning utvärderat deras faktiska utförande i fält. Studien undersöker huruvida svenska humanitära biståndsorganisationer- och myndigheters formulerade genuspolicys implementeras och omsätts till handling i fält. Detta görs genom att granska svenska humanitära fältarbetares genusmedvetenhet och erfarenheter av att arbeta med ett genusperspektiv i sina uppdrag. Det empiriska materialet samlades in från kvalitativa djupintervjuer med tio fältarbetare från fyra olika svenska organisationer/myndigheter. Materialet analyserades med hjälp av ett teoretiskt ramverk baserat på Genusteori, Postkolonial feministisk teori och teori kring policyimplementering. Resultaten visar att även om de flesta av de intervjuade fältarbetarna säger sig vara medvetna om begreppet genus, och vikten av att använda ett genusperspektiv i fält, har de en låg förståelse för innebörden av konceptet. Ett dilemma mellan ”kulturell känslighet” och ”implementering av genuspolicys” uppkom, där organisationernas/myndigheternas utbildningsmetod av ett genustänk möjligtvis har en förstärkande inverkan. Tydligt var att fältarbetarna verkar underskattar sitt eget ansvar i att använda ett genusperspektiv i fält, samtidigt som organisationerna/myndigheterna överskattar sina anställdas förmåga att arbeta efter de formulerade policyerna. Mycket tyder också på att en fortfarande ganska otidsenlig könsdiskurs produceras och reproduceras både i formulerade genuspolicys, och bland fältarbetarna. Sammanfattningsvis verkar det som att det uppstår en klyfta mellan den initiala intentionen av en policy, dess utformning, tolkningen av denna och interventionens slutresultat.

<p>Kalmar Municipality has in 2008-2010 made an effort to educate managers on gender, with the goal of mainstreaming gender into public activities so that all citizens should feel safe in that treatment and services are designed and resources are distributed equally to both sexes living conditions and needs. The overall aim of this study was to examine whether the training effort has paid off, and how gender mainstreaming has been implemented in the different activities. We have used a qualitative approach, which we examined through interviews managers' approach to gender equality.</p><p>Gender was generally described as an important issue of all respondents, and all were working to mainstream gender into their activities and workplaces. The results show that the operational and management needed clearer directives and strategies in their efforts to promote gender equality. Education was necessary because personal definition of gender may differ from the control contents of the documents. We found that many respondents saw the barrier of time, but also difficulties in changing attitudes and preferences of employees. As a result, we realized that the problem was bigger than that, when society is ruled by norms and values. After analysis of empirical data, we concluded that gender mainstreaming is a difficult subject, and it demands hard work, efforts and resources.</p>

‘Gender and Development’ (GAD) is currently seen as the dominant theoretical model within international development for promoting social justice and equality for women. As a consequence, many development organisations are undertaking gender mainstreaming. The most interesting fact about the vast number of analyses about gender mainstreaming is the consistency with which they tell of GAD influenced policies failing to implement GAD approaches in practice. This should raise suspicion rather than simple condemnation. It is time to ask: ‘How are, often very progressive, gender policies and strategies consistently silenced across the range of organisational contexts?’ This thesis focuses upon the contemporary process of gender mainstreaming in development organisations – a term that specifically refers to a ‘process of organisational change’ that aims to explicitly develop the ‘use of GAD approaches within all projects and programmes’ of development institutions in order to achieve ‘a vision of development that creates gender equitable social change’ in society. Moreover, it takes an approach that specifically details the ‘organisational process’ element of change inferred in the term. As such, this thesis uses the literature of organisational culture as a lens to make previously unnoticed and submerged sites of conflict and acts of resistance visible, allowing an understanding to be gained of how gender mainstreaming has so consistently faced a policy-practice impasse. It develops this analysis using an in-depth case study of Oxfam GB and demonstrates that the process of gender mainstreaming in the organisation has resulted in the removal of ‘responsibility for’ implementing GAD approaches among staff in the organisation. It goes on to highlight that the unwillingness of development organisations and practitioners to recognise gender mainstreaming as an explicitly feminist and political process of change directly couched at the level of the organisation and not just at the level of the actual development project (or society more widely) has resulted in the ‘process of organisational change’ becoming rationalised and technical rather than personal and politically charged. In reaching this understanding of gender mainstreaming, the thesis develops an awareness of organisational change processes and highlights that ‘norms’ and ‘values’ in organisations are often confused. This confusion has led to an ineffective process of change in institutions as well as a poor conceptualisation and practice of gender mainstreaming in international development.

Jämställdhetsintegrering är den huvudsakliga strategin för att uppnå Sveriges jämställdhetspolitiska mål. Strategin etablerades 1994 ur propositionen Delad makt – delat ansvar och ska sedan dess genomsyra all politisk beslutsfattning och alla politiska processer för att främja ett jämställdhetsperspektiv, och se till att inte existerande ojämlikhet reproduceras. Strategin dras dock med ett antal problem och fallgropar. Att istället faktiskt visst reproducera befintlig könsordning, att förhöja kvinnor just för att de är kvinnor, och att inte se djupet, roten, i problemet – strukturerna. Det finns en risk för att denna rädsla, eller okunskap, att rikta fokus på strukturerna förgås av diskrepans mellan den politiska ambitionen och genomförandet, vilket istället resulterar att bli en teknikalitet – en bock i en checklista. I denna studie utgår jag från två tolkningar som finns av jämställdhetsintegrering, anpassnings- och omvandlingstolkning, där förstnämnda ser jämställdhetsperspektivet som något som läggs ovanpå existerande verksamhet och samhälleliga ramar och där etablera kvinnor; den andra som söker att etablera jämställdhetsperspektivet i verksamheter och i grunden förändra dem för att främja jämställdhet på ett fundamentalt och strukturellt vis. Jag vill mena att dessa tolkningar går att härledas till olika feminismer. För att söka svaret på detta så använder jag mig av Judith Squires olika tillämpningar av jämställdhetsintegrering, vilket hjälper mig att klassificera materialet och i slutändan ge mig svaret på frågan om Regeringskansliet kan uppfattas som jämställdhetsintegrerat. Resultatet indikerar på att jämställdhetsintegrering har blivit ett mål i sig och inte det verktyg för att nå de utsatta jämställdhetspolitiska målen. Arbetet har blivit fokus på resultat och till något tekniskt och kvantitativt framför politiskt och kvalitativt. Även vikten av tydliga politiska signaler för ett fungerande kvalitativt arbete belyses.

The right to adequate housing is an unaccomplished human right, and unequal power relations between men and women are also perpetuated when trying to access decent housing even in the most prosperous global cities such as Barcelona. The aim of this research study has been to show how housing is represented and produced by the Barcelona City Council and which are the gendering effects and implications thereof. Through the analysis of the three most relevant political instruments in the field of housing, the “What’s the Problem Represented to be?” method proposed by Carol Bacchi (1999) has allowed to ascertain different problem representations of the same phenomena within the Council, such as “lack of adequate housing” and “vulnerable women”, with important consequences, along with other policy gaps. In our opinion, while feminism is often produced as the engine for change, these inconsistencies prevent women liberating completely from their socially imposed roles and achieving real and effective gender equality.

Gender mainstreaming has become a widely discussed and applied tool, aimed to aid progress towards gender equality. The latter has been an important aspect of international development and humanitarian action, as is evident from the Sustainable Development Goals. In humanitarian aid, this tool has the purpose of making aid more effective and inclusive, by critically assessing how crises affect women, men, girls, and boys differently. Specifically, it enforces a needs-based approach to delivering aid. However, gender biases still guide perceptions of vulnerability, which is a key determinant in needs assessment. Specifically, women and children are perceived to be the most vulnerable in all cases, while men are either sidelined, perceived as necessary allies to gender equality at most or, in the worst case, as threats. Though women and girls do suffer most from systematic gender inequality due to various factors, gender-specific threats are not reserved for women and girls, alone. Men and boys face different types of threats that are unique to their gender. This paper will explore male-specific vulnerabilities by addressing conceptual and theoretical concerns, followed by a policy analysis. This analysis is based on policies of implementing organizations in Syria in 2017. The purpose of this analysis is to determine whether these humanitarian actors are aware of male-specific vulnerabilities, and whether they address them in their policies and programming. In doing so, obstacles to the successful inclusion of men in gender mainstreaming efforts will be identified.

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Humanities School of Social Sciences, University of Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in partial fulfilment for the degree of Masters in Migration & Displacement. Johannesburg 2016 / Repatriation like any other form of migration is highly gendered. The objective of this research study is to analyze the gendered determinants of repatriation. I will explore various motivations for return and the general literature surrounding repatriation. My interest in the research was inspired by my experience working with Rwandan returnees where I encountered more female returnees than men. The other reason was the invocation of the cessation of Rwandan refugees on the 30th June 2013.The implication of the cessation meant to bring to closure to a close the refugee status of Rwandans who fled the country before 31st December 1998 and to find alternative status for those refugees still in need of international protection. An interesting observation is that despite this invocation by the end of 2013, the number of Rwandan refugees coming back did not increase as was expected. At the time of the interviews, the invocation of the cessation status of Rwandan refugees was a not an issue in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). However, a meeting held on the 2nd of October 2015 came up with new deadlines for the implementation on the cessation clause. This research follows a mini-research for my Honours degree that I conducted in 2014 with Rwandan refugees residing in Johannesburg. This work however differs from my previous pilot study in Johannesburg in two ways; in contrast to this research paper, my interviews in Johannesburg involved Rwandan refugees who had not taken the decision to return to Rwanda. Additionally, the refugee profile in South Africa comprised mostly political asylum-seekers while Rwandan refugees hosted in the DRC (my current research location) are mostly those who fled during the 1994 genocide. Voluntary repatriation is a contested issue. In various instances, refugees feel obliged to return either through active promotion of repatriation, reduction of aid in refugee camps or appalling conditions in countries of asylum. What is also evident is the politics between the countries of asylum and origin and the uncomfortable position the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) finds itself as it seeks to ensure the voluntary character of repatriation as is stipulated by the 1969 OAU convention. The gendered approach taken in migration studies reveals renegotiation of gender relations and roles as a result of displacement. Although the role of women changes considerably; social expectations puts more pressure on men to provide and as the limited livelihood opportunities during displacement curtails their primary role as breadwinners. Gender mainstreaming is one of the approaches employed by the, UNHCR to ensure that women are not only involved in all aspects of planning and development but also in issues of peace and security. The literature on repatriation, suggests that women and men consider different factors in their decision to return; men’s main concern is security while women dwell more on working structures like hospitals and schools for their children. During fieldwork, the household emerged as an important unit for repatriation decision making. The research employed a qualitative design. The tools for data collection included semi-structured in-depth questions for Rwandan refugee participants in Goma and key informants from the UNHCR and their government counterpart in the repatriation exercise the Commission Nationale pour les Réfugiés (CNR). In addition, I engaged in an extensive secondary data search through journals, books, the internet, newspapers and policy documents. Thematic analysis was utilized to analyze the collected data. Based on the findings, it was evident that Rwandan refugee men and women put into consideration different aspects in their decision to return to Rwandan. Men focused mostly on security issues both in the DRC and Rwanda while women considered working structures like schools, hospitals and the hope of reclaiming their spouses’ land for the sake of the children. On the decision to return, single women took the decision on their own while in the case of married couples, the men came up with the idea and discussed it with their wives and children. A cross cutting theme between the interviewed Rwandan refugee men and women was the important function of social networks as a pull factor for return. Social networking was especially important in obtaining information about the specific areas in Rwanda and also acted as assurance for temporary accommodation upon return and therefore reducing the cost of return migration. Based on the findings, access to information for both men and women was not mentioned as a major challenge owing to advances in technology (radios, internet, and mobile phones) and the presence of social networks. Keywords (Returnee, Cessation Clause, Repatriation, Reintegration, Decision-making process, Gender, Identity, Social networking) / MT2017

ABSTRACT This study seeks to contribute to feminist analysis of whether the post-apartheid South African state represents a model of how the state can advance gender equality. The study analyses the institutional mechanisms that have been put in place by the South African government aimed at advancing gender equality. It focuses on the Office on the Status of Women (OSW) as the entity established within the government to steer the national gender programme. The role of the OSW is to coordinate the National Gender Machinery (NGM) as well as to define and develop a gender mainstreaming strategy for government. The study evaluates the assertion that South Africa serves as a model for advancing gender equality is justified, by exploring whether the country has overcome the problems associated with national gender machineries globally or whether it has reproduced them. It points to the fact that the location of the Office on the Status of Women in the Presidency is strategic as it is at the centre of government machinery. The study argues that the value of this has, however, been hampered by various factors. The OSW’s location in the Presidency has not provided it with the political leverage required to enforce gender equality. There are four indicators that show that this has not happened. First is the limited accountability measurer to enforce the fulfilment of existing commitments in government and between the NGM and civil society organisations. This has limited the OSW’s effectiveness. Secondly, the gender mainstreaming strategy is largely undefined. There is a lack of clarity about the roles of the NGM institutions, which tends to lead to duplication of roles as well as limited strategic reinforcement. The OSW has also been weakened by limited strategic relationship with civil society organisations. Thirdly, the OSW has had to operate on a limited budget. This has limited what it has been able to achieve. Lastly, the National Gender Policy Framework for Women's Empowerment and Gender Equality, the policy document developed under the auspices of the Office on the Status of Women, is a relatively weak policy framework for conceptualising women’s subordination, as well as articulating the overall goal of gender equality. It is further weakened by the fact that it not enforceable; thus government entities cannot be held accountable for not implementing it.