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<p>This study have two purposes, one is to examine the ideological consistency between Sida’s gender policy and the gender policy of an implemented project, and the other purpose consists of an attempt to identify a relation between the implementation of Sida’s/LAMP’s policies and actual changes on gender equality in the partnering country. Three research questions were formulated around the topics of women’s situation in Tanzania; the ideological origin of Sida’s gender policy and the reflection of these in the LAMP policy; and the consequences of an implementation in terms of equality between men and women in Babati District, Tanzania. The analysis is carried out with the help of different theoretical perspectives on women and gender in development, perspectives that have been selected on the basis that they have been influential and dominating in the contemporary planning and policy making of development agencies. The method used was a functional idea analysis and a field study where semi-structured interviews were conducted. The conclusion regarding the ideological consistency is that a comparison between the policies of Sida and LAMP shows patterns of great ideological resemblance, and that both have a somewhat stronger connection to the GAD approach. The conclusion regarding actual changes on gender equality reveals that an integration of gender aspects into the LAMP programme has had several consequences for women. The programme has helped to reduce women’s work load, increased their chances of income, and promoted women’s participation in decision-making on different levels. These are all aspects that may challenge the traditional order of women’s relationship to men and the subordination of women.</p>

This study examines the process of state gender policy reform. It seeks to explain legal changes in gender issues in Venezuela across time. The study entails observations of state policy changes in gender issues during specific periods of the Punto Fijo era (1958-1998) characterized as those of democratic consolidation and deconsolidation, and during the transition towards a new type of democracy, the Chávez era (1999-2007). The policies considered are the ones addressing women’s equality at home and at work, reproductive rights, women’s economic rights and political participation. The analysis shows that gender policy reform by the state depends on the degree of opening of the institutions and on the combination of certain configurations of state institutions and elite interests. In addition, women’s groups’ capacity to influence state gender policy change depends on their organizational capacity as well as the institutional opportunities provided by changes in state structures, elite interests, and allies of the movement.

Today, most Muslim-majority countries must contend with two realities: Islamists’ increasing access to political participation on the one hand and domestic and international pressures for women’s rights on the other. This dissertation seeks to identify the conditions necessary for resolving tensions between Islamist demands for political inclusion and secular feminists’ demands for the institutionalization of women’s rights in Muslim-majority countries. Attempts at gender reform have not only been rare, but have also usually excluded either secular feminists or Islamists due to state actors’ inability or unwillingness to resolve conflict between them. In some contexts, however, power holders have initiated inclusive consultative arrangements, mechanisms (commissions, committees, and mediation) that enable both secular feminists and Islamists to participate in gender policy-making processes, in spite of divergent ideological preferences, and thereby generated more broadly supported reforms. This dissertation argues that attempts at conflict resolution between secular feminists and Islamists are more likely to arise in the context of an autonomous state where the power holder needs the support of both groups. Such a state has both the flexibility and willingness to include both Islamists and secular feminists in the policy-making process. In states that do not enjoy autonomy from non-state actors, the state is less likely to have the flexibility to adopt policy-making processes that do not serve the politicized interests of dominant actors. I build this argument by conducting a comparative historical analysis of state development and relations among power holders, secular feminists, and Islamists, as well as drawing on interviews with politicians, bureaucrats, scholars, and activists in Morocco and Bangladesh. In both of these countries, secular feminists and Islamists have had antagonistic relations and ideological differences, but both groups participated in gender policy reform in Morocco, whereas in Bangladesh, multiple attempts at gender policy-making have excluded one group or the other. I then assess the extent to which an argument based on state autonomy and political alliances explains variation in the inclusiveness of gender policy-making processes in four other Muslim-majority countries (Jordan, Malaysia, Turkey, and Pakistan). / Government

This study have two purposes, one is to examine the ideological consistency between Sida’s gender policy and the gender policy of an implemented project, and the other purpose consists of an attempt to identify a relation between the implementation of Sida’s/LAMP’s policies and actual changes on gender equality in the partnering country. Three research questions were formulated around the topics of women’s situation in Tanzania; the ideological origin of Sida’s gender policy and the reflection of these in the LAMP policy; and the consequences of an implementation in terms of equality between men and women in Babati District, Tanzania. The analysis is carried out with the help of different theoretical perspectives on women and gender in development, perspectives that have been selected on the basis that they have been influential and dominating in the contemporary planning and policy making of development agencies. The method used was a functional idea analysis and a field study where semi-structured interviews were conducted. The conclusion regarding the ideological consistency is that a comparison between the policies of Sida and LAMP shows patterns of great ideological resemblance, and that both have a somewhat stronger connection to the GAD approach. The conclusion regarding actual changes on gender equality reveals that an integration of gender aspects into the LAMP programme has had several consequences for women. The programme has helped to reduce women’s work load, increased their chances of income, and promoted women’s participation in decision-making on different levels. These are all aspects that may challenge the traditional order of women’s relationship to men and the subordination of women.

No description available.

Martina Navratilova - Gender Policy of Serbia in the Context of EU Accession Negotiations Abstract This thesis deals with the gender policy of Serbia during the years 2009-2021. During this period, the European Union had a tremendous effect on the gender policies of Serbia, hence it is crucial to include the perspective of NGOs as an important partner of both Serbia and the EU. The aim of the research is to, based on the analysis and the current state of the legislative and institutional framework, assess the impact of Serbia's gender policies on the lives of Serbian women. This analysis is carried out through a thorough examination of official documents, secondary literature and by conducting three interviews with Serbian civil society members. The research has proven that despite the complex progress of Serbian gender policy, its practical results have not been significant.

The aim of this study is to examine if the Liberals interpretation of freedom affects the political party's ability to implement reforms which helps to improve the power structure between women and men. The study focus on the Liberal’s gender policy to further examine how the policy reflects liberal values to first establish the Liberal’s liberal position. Furthermore that will provide a background for the Liberals gender policy arguments which will be examined through theories of liberty, policy management and feminism. By using a qualitative idea analysis, this study aims to first distinguish the ideas behind the Liberals gender policy, and then examine if the parties gender policy actually works towards improve the power structures between women and men. The results of this study shows that there is tension between the Liberals liberal position and the general gender policy goals, which the party is allegedly working towards. The results show that the tension stems from liberal values which inhibit the Liberals to implement reforms that provides an effective protection from the power structures which systematically penalizes women.

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Incorporating gender into disasters and Disaster Risk Reduction (DRR) is important given women’s and men’s different needs, vulnerabilities, capacities and roles in the context of disasters. Male engagement or ‘men-streaming’ has gained increased attention in research on gender and development, yet it has been overlooked in the field of DRR. This thesis aims to transfer the discussion on male engagement from development to disasters by studying how ‘men-streaming’ is described in the context of DRR. The analysis will build upon a case-study of the Gender Equality Toolkit by The Swedish Civil Contingencies Agency (MSB). A qualitative content analysis will be the main method for the thesis. The Toolkit will be analyzed using an open analytical framework, consisting of three themes: Men as Vulnerable, Men as Capable and Men as Allies. The results illustrate that all three themes of male engagement are described in gender policy for DRR, with a main focus on men’s vulnerabilities. The contribution of this thesis is the recognition that while men are increasingly seen as vulnerable rather than obstacles in the context of DRR, men’s capacities and allyship to women are not fully included in gender policy.