The location of France is both adjacent to land and sea, therefore France¡¦s geopolitical expansion could follow two directions of land and sea. Regarding sea expansion path, France established colonies in North America and West Indies by sailing across the Atlantic Ocean. In addition, across the Mediterranean France could expand her geopolitical influence to North Africa, Middle East, Rea Sea, India Ocean and the South China Sea. France also established colonies in Africa, India and Indochina. Regarding land expansion path, North European plain is best way for conquer European continent. The ideal scenario for France is expanding sea power and land power altogether by suppressing main competitors. However, France¡¦s foreign policy needs to be considered with international system and European geopolitics. The geostrategy of France evolved under such historical context. This dissertation applies classical geopolitical approach, includes concepts of geography, geopolitics and geostrategy, to depict the changes of France¡¦s geopolitics and geostrategy for a long time. The study¡¦s deductive logic accords with following points. First of all, location of France constructed her proto-type geostrategy as well as dual expansion by sea and land; secondly, in the situation that other European powers formed anti-France alliance, France practiced and revised her targets of geostrategy; thirdly, revisiting geopolitical meaning of France¡¦s revised geostrategy, the study tries to find out geopolitical change and unchanged; finally, the study clarifies key effect factors through historical facts of evolution of France¡¦s geostrategy. In sum, this dissertation concludes the geostrategy of France as following: (1) France¡¦s territory is the base of expansion by land and sea; it¡¦s also the condition restricting French sea power. In other words, the location of France constructs her geostrategy pro and con; (2) France practices policy of ¡§balance of power¡¨, preventing from new state building nearby area, and being the balancer of big powers; (3) After French revolution, geopolitics, not ideology, is still the main consideration of France¡¦s foreign policy; (4) Germany unification impacts French geopolitics, suppressing Germany is key geostrategy of France until now; (5) Controlling whole world without European empire is the attribute of European geopolitics.

From the Chou Dynasty, China expands the south part. At the point of the process of expansion, the frontier and boundary of China changing frequently. This study discusses China¡¦s policy toward frontier and boundary based on the control power of empire center. The history had identified that any nations never had stable boundary. This study explains the making and changing of frontier and boundary, and the impact of geography on the design of national security strategy. This treatise focuses on geography, national organizations and international threats, and result defense, offense and deterrent national style. In this research, I divided the changing process o China¡¦s frontier and boundary into expansion system, dominant system, guard system and buffer system. <p> Our object is to trace the territorial expansion of China from imperial to present the modern nations. This treatise regards the southern expansion of China from the geography standpoint only, not from history, as I understand the word, being both a philosophy of history and a theory of frontiers. China had been a empire, city-state or political system that different from western civilization, and Welpolitik. <p> This treatise, in short, is a contribution to the geography of China state. The policy of China southern expansion shows not only horizontal expansion via military force, but also vertical expansion through economic and administration capability, especially agricultural development. In this research, I illustrate history comparative approach on the south China¡¦s the frontiers and boundary and use an expanded version of military geographic analysis for the organizing framework. First, the gain of earth means that the rulers should invest administration and military resources. Besides, to maintain expansion also means enough domestic economic resources. Second, the increase power means the increase the relative power and nation will raise the status of international system. Rather, it was a conflict internal to the Sinocentric world system. Third, the increase of power means that more geographic ambition. With the expansion of geography, China can not maintain newly occupied territorial order. The result is China most withdraw troops from the southern boundary and carry out tribute system. The tribute system is manage its relationship with countries that did not belong to the China Empire but surrounded it as the nearest neighbours. China uses military forces upon controlled frontiers and use cooperation policy upon the nearest neighbours that as China confronted with limited military forces.

World War II profoundly impacted Florida. The military geography of the State is essential to an understanding the war. The geostrategic concerns of place and space determined that Florida would become a statewide military base. Florida’s attributes of place such as climate and topography determined its use as a military academy hosting over two million soldiers, nearly 15 percent of the GI Army, the largest force theUS ever raised. One-in-eight Floridians went into uniform. Equally,Florida’s space on the planet made it central for both defensive and offensive strategies. The Second World War was a war of movement, and Florida was a major jump off point forUSforce projection world-wide, especially of air power. Florida’s demography facilitated its use as a base camp for the assembly and engagement of this military power. In 1940, less than two percent of the US population lived in Florida, a quiet, barely populated backwater of the United States.[1] But owing to its critical place and space, over the next few years it became a 65,000 square mile training ground, supply dump, and embarkation site vital to the US war effort. Because of its place astride some of the most important sea lanes in the Atlantic World,Florida was the scene of one of the few Western Hemisphere battles of the war. The militarization ofFloridabegan long before Pearl Harbor. The pre-war buildup conformed to theUSstrategy of the war. The strategy of theUS was then (and remains today) one of forward defense: harden the frontier, then take the battle to the enemy, rather than fight them inNorth America. The policy of “Europe First,” focused the main US war effort on the defeat of Hitler’sGermany, evaluated to be the most dangerous enemy. In Florida were established the military forces requiring the longest time to develop, and most needed to defeat the Axis. Those were a naval aviation force for sea-borne hostilities, a heavy bombing force for reducing enemy industrial states, and an aerial logistics train for overseas supply of expeditionary campaigns. The unique Florida coastline made possible the seaborne invasion training demanded for USvictory. The civilian population was employed assembling mass-produced first-generation container ships, while Floridahosted casualties, Prisoners-of-War, and transient personnel moving between the Atlantic and Pacific. By the end of hostilities and the lifting of Unlimited Emergency, officially on December 31, 1946, Floridahad become a transportation nexus. Florida accommodated a return of demobilized soldiers, a migration of displaced persons, and evolved into a modern veterans’ colonia. It was instrumental in fashioning the modern US military, while remaining a center of the active National Defense establishment. Those are the themes of this work. [1] US Census of Florida 1940. Table 4 – Race, By Nativity and Sex, For the State. 14.

This work aims to fill the gap in the civil scientific agenda by offering its own, two- stage version of a systemic, dynamic, and interdisciplinary analysis of the developments in the Arctic transborder region; by fixing the region"s southern border at the Arctic Circle, adjusting to the premises of new geopolitics, using systemic modeling, and viewing geostrategic analysis as an obligatory academic contribution to the "art" of statecraft.The first stage of analysis is inductive, descriptive, and static. It defines the Arctic region as a system of five geostrategic action spaces, physical space (S1), military space (S2), economic space (S3), demographic space (S4), and information space (S5). After defining essential elements of the physical environment, social network analysis is applied on four human-constructed geostrategic spaces (S2-S5) - i.e. the basic networks of relationship (links) between the key actors (nodes) are created. Matrices of symmetrical relationships for military space (S2), economic space (S3), and demographic space (S4) are constructed to demonstrate the links" intensity. In order to illustrate the fact that changes in one action space ultimately transform other spaces, ten possible channels of inter-space affection are illustrated. The second stage of analysis is deductive,...

Le choléra est une épreuve qui interroge l’instrument naval français et ses actions au-delà des seules problématiques de l’hygiène navale ou de la contribution des navigations à la diffusion de l’épidémie. Il est à la fois une épreuve de terrain, locale, collective comme individuelle, et un enjeu de relations internationales. Il requiert un engagement constant et en profondeur de la part du service de santé des armées en général, de la Marine en particulier. Il contribue à la fragilisation d’un espace méditerranéen en pleine recomposition alors que la France de l’après 1815 cherche à y saisir des opportunités pour peser à nouveau dans le concert des nations à travers une plus grande implication dans les crises qui secouent sa façade méridionale. Cette politique offensive, faite de diplomatie conventionnelle et d’interventions militaires, de défense des intérêts commerciaux et de relance d’une politique expansionniste sinon impérialiste, repose en partie sur la sollicitation de forces navales en cours de relèvement. En proposant une étude sur la confrontation entre la puissance navale française en Méditerranée et la circulation du choléra entre 1831 et 1856, il s’agit de comprendre, essentiellement à travers un regard naval, comment, au-delà du péril majeur que ces épidémies successives constituent pour la santé publique en France et en Méditerranée, elles en viennent à représenter une formidable opportunité offerte à la France de s’affirmer comme une puissance sanitaire de premier plan, alors que se préparent deux premières conférences sanitaires internationales de Paris (1851 et 1859) . / Cholera: “a crucial and revealing challenge, helpful to measure the bravery and intellectual value of the Navy’s physicians”. According to Jacques Leonard’s word, cholera defied the French Navy as a whole. It questioned the French naval instrument and actions beyond the mere issues of sea hygiene or the spreading of the epidemic through sailing. It was both a field issue, as well at a local level as at the individual and collective ones, and a meaningful issue in international relations. It required a constant and deep commitment from the military health service in general, and from the Navy health service in particular. It contributed to weakening the Mediterranean area in a period of reconstruction as post-1815 France intended to seize opportunities to become again a prominent member in the community of Nations through a stronger commitment in the crises that were then striking its southern part. This pro-active policy, combining military intervention and conventional diplomacy, the preservation of trading interests and the renewal of an expansionist and even imperialist policy, partly relied on the appeal to restructuring naval forces. By studying the confrontation between French naval power in the Mediterranean and the spreading of cholera from 1831 to 1856, the purpose, here, will be to understand, mainly through a naval perspective, how those successive epidemics evolved from the status of threats to public health to that of becoming an unexpected opportunity to stand a sanitary power, as two international conferences on health were to take place in Paris (1851 and 1859).

The concern of the diploma thesis is the geostrategic role of the base on the island Diego Garcia. It deals chronologically with the evolvement of this role since the base was established until the present time. Apart from the analysis of the extent, motivation and reasons of the evolvement, the explanation of all these is provided as well. The research is based on the theories formulated by admiral Alfred T. Mahan who was primarily concerned with the agenda of a naval superpower. The issue of bases is directly linked to that subject. The analysis pays attention to physical development of the facilities on the island which to a certain extent reflects the strategic role of the base. It also further examines the regional and global context which is deemed to be crucial for the better understanding of the function the base had for the United States. Practical usage of the base is analysed for a better explanation of the role the base played as some of the contemporary documents are still classified and unavailable. According to the research, the role the base played changed several times but it is very difficult to point out the main factor that caused the change. Most probably, it was caused by a combination of several factors.

L’industrialisation de la filière bois constitue l’un des axes majeurs de la loi 016/01 du 31 décembre 2001, portant code forestier en république gabonaise. Elle s’inscrit dans le cadre de la diversification de l’économie qui est une volonté de l’État. Longtemps laissée pour compte par les différents opérateurs (seuls 15 à 35% des grumes étaient transformés localement en 2009) du fait notamment de la passivité des autorités nationales, elle connaît depuis près de dix ans, suite à la mesure d’interdire l’exportation des grumes (ordonnance n°8/2010), un regain d’intérêt, participant d’avantage au développement économique du pays. Ainsi, des progrès sont observés au niveau de l’emploi, de la contribution de la filière au PIB mais aussi sur le nombre d’unités de transformation, le taux de transformation et le rayonnement régional voire international du pays. La dimension environnementale n’est pas en reste avec les avancées relatives de la légalité et à la traçabilité du bois amenées par l’aménagement forestier et la certification. Toutefois, cette activité n’est pas encore effective dans son ensemble dans la mesure où la production du bois et les recettes fiscales s’avèrent encore en dessous de ce qui était perçu autrefois ; de même, le rendement matière est loin d’être optimal si on le compare à celui observé dans certains pays développés. Enfin, la qualité de certains équipements et de l’emploi montre encore les efforts que doit consentir le Gabon pour faire de sa filière bois, une valeur sûre de l’économie du pays. Il est alors nécessaire que des mesures poussées soient prises en tenant compte des problèmes de durabilité des ressources forestières nationales. / The industrialization of the wood industry is one of the major axes of the law 016/01 of 31th of December 2001, on the forest code in the Gabonese Republic. It is considered a way of the diversification of the economy which is a will of the State. Long neglected by the various operators (only 15 to 35% of the logs were processed locally in 2009) due in particular to the inactiveness of the national authorities, it has known for almost ten years, following the measure to ban export logs (order n ° 8/2010), a renewed interest, contributing more to the economic development of the country. Thus, progress is observed in terms of employment, the contribution of the sector to the GDP, as well as the number of processing units, the rate of transformation and the regional or even international influence of the country. The environmental dimension is not left out with the relative progress of legality and traceability of timber brought by forest management and certification. Nonetheless, this activity is not yet overall effective as timber production and tax revenues are still below what was once perceived; likewise, the material yield is far from optimal when compared to that observed in some developed countries. Finally, the quality of certain equipment and employment still shows the efforts that Gabon should put to make its timber industry a sure bet for the country's economy. It is therefore necessary for further measures to be taken, taking into account the sustainability issues of national forest resources.

位於歐亞大陸中心的中亞國家，在蘇聯解體後重新回到世界政治舞台，因所處的敏感地理位置及擁有豐富能源優勢，地緣戰略的重要性格外突顯。中亞國家目前尚處於重大轉型期，油氣資源為其對外發展及穩定內部的有利憑藉，該區域各國莫不積極運用天賦條件，期在大國競逐及全球化衝擊中，有效獲取國家利益。 中國因經濟快速成長，進口石油的依賴程度不斷攀升，制約其經濟與綜合國力的發展，並對國家安全形成威脅。面臨石油安全困境，中國站在全球能源領域的制高點，積極拓展油源，緊鄰的中亞地區石油蘊藏豐富，成為中國強化能源合作關係，以維護來源穩定的首要選擇。 本文從「地緣戰略」的觀點，分析中國及中亞的地緣政治及石油安全形勢，並探討中國在該地區能源外交內涵、佈局與實踐，以及所面臨的機遇與挑戰等議題。綜觀之，中國對中亞的石油整體戰略佈局，係以外交為後盾，國營石油企業為主軸，上海合作組織為平台，雙邊及多邊型式並進，藉由地緣優勢建構中亞和諧地區，並透過籌建中國陸路油氣供應路徑，朝向來源多元化，以避免海上運油風險及分散石油供給集中之制約。另以中亞諸國為謀求現實的戰略利益，採行門戶開放及多邊平衡外交策略，使得美國、歐盟及日本等各主要大國力量進入。中國為維護油源穩定安全，積極踐行「走出去」與「多元化」之戰略，其與各大國在中亞的能源競逐仍將持續，同時影響區域及全球政經局勢。 / The importance of geostrategy is obvious for those Central Asian countries, backing the political stage of the world after dissolution of the Soviet Union, in the central mainland of Euro-Asia because of their sensitive geographical location with advantage of abundant energy. At present, those countries are under reforming period and aggressively try to use their innate conditions, especially the resources of gas or petroleum, for development abroad and stabilization domestically to get interests under the impacts of the great nations’ competition and globalization. On the other hand, China is facing on the economy and comprehensive national strength restriction and national security threaten by petroleum importation dependence and economic growth rapidity. Being face the trouble of petroleum security, China, standing on the commanding point of the global energy field, is aggressive to explore energy resources and try to strength energy cooperative relationships with the Central Asian area, neighbor to China and the best choice, having abundant petroleum to support her stable needs. This study is in the point of view, geostrategy, to analyze the trends of geopolitics and petroleum security between China and those Central Asian countries. The purposes including the energy diplomacy content, layout and practice of China in this area, and the opportunity and challenge are being discussed. To sum up, the overall strategic layouts of petroleum in the Central Asian area for China are using diplomacy as backing, public petroleum enterprise as main axis, Shanghai cooperation organization as platform, both and multi sides processings, Central Asian area harmonizing construction by advantage of geography, and multi-resources via building the terrestrial gas supply routes to avoid the restriction of the risk of petroleum shipping and to decentralize the collection of petroleum supply. Owing to the realistic strategic benefits for those Central Asian countries, by open door policy and multi-sides balance diplomatic strategy, some great nations are trying to get in, including the USA, EU and Japan, etc. For assurance of the stable and security of petroleum supply, China is aggressive to conduct the strategies, “Go out” and “Multiplication”, to continue the energy competition with those great nations, and to influence the area and global economic and political situation.

Les relations entre les Etats-Unis et l’Amérique latine entre 1988 et 2008 ont connu de nombreux bouleversements et chambardements. Les nombreuses raisons qui en sont les causes ont été abordées dans cette thèse. Après avoir étudié les enjeux théoriques de leurs relations nous nous sommes demandés si la politique étrangère était une politique publique comme les autres. Suite à une comparaison générale nous avons étudié les spécificités de l’aide publique au développement et le cas d’une théorie promue par George Bush Jr qui est la « diplomatie transformationnelle ». Dans un second temps, nous avons étudié les bouleversements diplomatiques apparus dans un certain nombre de pays de cette région du fait de l’arrivée de gouvernements de gauche. Les pages consacrées aux trois programmes élaborés par Washington dans les années 2000 (MCA, les deux plans Colombie et le Plan Merida) montrent leur originalité mais aussi leur application et leurs résultats mitigés tant du point de vue de l’efficacité, de l’efficience que de la consolidation des relations diplomatiques avec les pays de cette région. Enfin, nous avons décrit et analysé l’importance des enjeux énergétiques avec l’Amérique latine pour les Etats-Unis puis développé les raisons qui les poussent à vouloir constituer la ZLEA. Cela démontre l’imbrication des questions économiques, diplomatiques et sécuritaires pour les décideurs américains. / The relations between the United States and Latin America between 1988 and 2008 had known a lot of upheavals. The different reasons which were at the origin of that were approached in this dissertation. After having studied the theorical stakes concerning their relations we asked ourself if foreign policy was a classic public policy. Then, we studied development aid’s specificities and a theory promoted by George W. Bush which is the « transformational diplomacy ». In a second part, we studied diplomatical upheavals appeared in some countries of the region, consequence of the election of left wing governments. Pages dedicated to the three programs worked out by Washington during the 2000’s (MCA, both Colombian plans and Merida Initiative) showed the originality but also their application and their reserved results so much from the point of view of the efficiency and the consolidation of the diplomatical relations with the countries of this region. At last, we described and analyzed the importance the energy challenges with Latin America for the United States and developed reasons which urge them to want to constitute the FTAA. This show The interweaving of the economic, diplomatic and security questions for the American decision-makers.

In the Indian Ocean Region, China's economic and strategic interests are converging as many of its investments lie along the vital ocean routes needed to literally and figuratively fuel its growing economy. The rollout of Xi Jinping's Belt and Road Initiative, against the backdrop of, and in line with this convergence, has raised concerns about the military-strategic utility of various infrastructure projects. The increased economic connectivity that drives the Belt and Road has inherent strategic consequences, but the degree to which geostrategic factors drive investments divides analysts. Some believe that certain ports have been purposefully selected as future bases for China's navy. To address the difficulty of comprehending China's foreign policy decisions, this thesis draws on a neoclassical realist interpretation of international relations, and uses geographical location, collective memory, strategic culture, and domestic politics to develop a better understanding of Chinese policymakers' perceptions of their international security environment. This study develops methodology to evaluate the strategic value of a site in context to different basing strategies. The work sheds light on how China views its future position in the world by deciphering intentions behind Chines investments in ports...