Diploma thesis concerns two current issues filling scholarly magazines in recent years. The first one is a discourse about the global civil society, its existence, definition and scope. Thesis maps the basic approaches and creates three groups of authors: globalists, skeptics and empiricists. The second issue is about the need of better accountability which arises after few scandals of global institutions in the early years of new century. The scandals didn't avoid the international non-governmental organizations. The diploma thesis summarizes few types of typologies of accountability and introduces the basic areas divided into the two groups: moral and political accountability and procedural and internal accountability. The research part of thesis comprises the accountability assessment of three branches of international non-governmental organizations: Amnesty International, Greenpeace and Hnutí DUHA - The Friends of the Earth. The goal was to find the appropriate methodology for assessing the national branches and verify it. The main result is the modification of an existing methodology of One World Trust organization and the finding that the organizations have the low rate of accountability.

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Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:48:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Terra Friedrich Budini.pdf: 511107 bytes, checksum: bc2739b6f7e5328af7d6139fba7e85f8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-06-21 / This research shows the diversification of the debate on global civil society and the non-state political action beyond borders in the recent International Relations literature. The interest of an increasing variety of theoretical perspectives on these issues reflects wider debates on the concepts that as the idea of global civil society have emerged in the discipline since the beginning of the 1990s. The insufficiencies of liberal-oriented literature to explain the maintenance of inequalities and power hierarchies in the world system is the background to this diversification. Part of the positive image associated to a global civil society lies on the idea that the lost of autonomy in domestic realm engendered by the globalization processes could be counterbalanced with the transnational/global activism, that is to say in the idea of reformulating the mediation between universality/particularity formalized by the constitution of modern political boundaries. The objective is establishing dialogues between these variety of perspectives and mapping these discussions, not only in relation to the actors and process directly involved in the transnational political action, but also shedding light in their intersection with the wider and more theoretical debate on the problem of borders, of mediation between domestic and international realms, and the idea of constitution of a global political field / O trabalho retrata a diversificação do debate sobre sociedade civil global e sobre a ação política não-estatal além das fronteiras na literatura recente no campo das Relações Internacionais. O interesse no tema por parte de uma crescente gama de perspectivas teóricas reflete debates mais amplos em torno de conceitos que, ao lado da idéia de sociedade civil global , surgiram na disciplina a partir do início dos anos 1990. Apresenta-se como cenário desta pluralização a insuficiência da literatura de inspiração liberal para explicar a permanência das desigualdades e hierarquias de poder no sistema mundial. Parte do imaginário positivo associado à sociedade civil global reside na idéia de que a perda de autonomia em âmbito doméstico - causada pelos processos de globalização - poderia ser compensada com o ativismo transnacional e/ou global, ou seja, na idéia de reformular a mediação entre universalidade/particularidade, formalizada na constituição das fronteiras modernas. Desse modo, o objetivo é estabelecer diálogos entre as várias perspectivas e mapear estas discussões tanto no que se refere aos atores e processos diretamente envolvidos na ação política não-estatal transnacional, quanto apontar sua inserção no debate teórico sobre as transposições de fronteiras, rearticulações das relações entre o doméstico e o internacional e a idéia de constituição de um campo político global"

[pt] O trabalho apresentado nas páginas seguintes é o resultado de uma pesquisa sobre as Conferências Internacionais sobre População e Desenvolvimento (Cairo, 1994) e sobre o status da mulher (Beijing, 1995). Para melhor entender os discursos proferidos pelos atores internacionais nos dois eventos, apresento uma breve discussão histórica sobre a mulher. Inicio o trabalho pela Idade Média, quando a religião servia de fundamento para a exclusão da mulher do plano político. Abordo também o período renascentista, em que Estado e conhecimento racional eram usados como justificativas para o afastamento da mulher do espaço público. Descrevo, ainda, de maneira sintética, os diferentes fundamentos teóricos do feminismo. Trato da globalização da vida social como um fator que aumenta a participação das mulheres na arena política. O feminismo internacional é abordado no contexto da globalização a partir das duas Conferências Internacionais que analiso. Dessa forma, ao analisar a interação das feministas com os demais atores políticos no espaço internacional, pretendo apresentar o feminismo como uma relevante dimensão da política internacional contemporânea. / [en] The work presented in the following pages is the result of a Research on the International Conferences on Population and Development (Cairo, 1994) and on Women (Beijing, 1995). In order to provide a better understanding of the discourses by international actors in both Conferences, I present a historical overview on the category of -woman-. I start in the Middle Age, when the religion was the foundation for excluding woman from the political space. Then, I talk about Renaissance, when - State- and -rational knowledge- were used to put women aside from political action. I also present a brief description of the different approaches on feminism.I discuss the globalization of social life as factor that increases women`s participation in the political arena. So, I analyse the feminism movement in the context of the International Conferences of Cairo and Beijing. By doing this work, I intend to contribute to the understanding of international politics nowadays, as well as to point the relevance of feminism as an international actor.

This Master's thesis focuses on the possibilities of a global civil society to reduce the negative consequences of economic globalization. In the opening general part, special attention is given to problems caused by corporate strategies in production in developing countries. The current official mechanisms of corporate accountability are also discussed and considered as insufficient. Some new tendencies to promote the corporate social and environmental responsibility have emerged in recent decades. The agencies of a global civil society have been playing a very important role in these processes. The formation of a global civil society, its ambitions and risks are also studied in the general part of the thesis. The global civil society roles and possibilities of influencing the globalization processes are discussed also from the perspective of relevant theoretical concepts in the theoretical part. The empirical part of the thesis is based on a qualitative analysis of the campaign Business and Human Rights carried out by Czech global civil society organizations. The objective of this campaign is to prevent the corporations from human rights violation. Within the empirical research, the different spatial relations among the global civil society participants are studied, along with the evaluation of the...

O jornalismo transnacional (in. cross border journalism; es. periodismo transfronteirizo; din. journalistik over grænser) ganhou visibilidade nos anos 2010 a partir de séries como o OffshoreLeaks e o SwissLeaks, por estabelecer uma rede de investigação colaborativa entre equipes de diferentes países em torno de temas de relevância continental ou mundial, que normalmente envolvem estratagemas nas finanças internacionais com fins ilícitos. Tais séries jornalísticas são o ponto de partida desta tese, sendo contextualizadas com a renovação dos marcos do jornalismo profissional, que inclui o jornalismo pós-industrial (ANDERSON, BELL&SHIRKY, 2013), o qual coincide com uma \"improvável época de ouro do jornalismo investigativo\" (LEWIS, 2009). Procura-se, na presente pesquisa, mapear um território de pioneiros dessa prática de imprensa, que atrai jornalistas veteranos e interessa até às redações clássicas. A partir das constatações do crescimento dessa prática, esta tese procura refletir sobre essa tendência e identificar nela fundamentos de um método, ainda que não plenamente consolidado. E de tal método extrair elementos para um conceito, cuja prática expõe as assimetrias da globalização e se projeta numa \"sociedade civil global\" (IANNI, 1996; KALDOR, 2003). Praticado por jornalistas investigativos como David Kaplan e jornalistas-pesquisadoras como a dinamarquesa Brigitte Alfter (2015) e a chilena Florencia Melgar Hourcade (2015), o jornalismo transnacional se beneficia do saber acumulado pelo \"jornalismo de dados\" e pelo \"jornalismo sem fins lucrativos\", o que estimula uma cultura não competitiva entre redações, fortalece empreendimentos não corporativos e dá abertura a uma estimulante discussão sobre identidade profissional. No campo teórico, esta tese investiga se essa nova fronteira profissional da imprensa subsidia de fato a emergência de uma opinião pública global de caráter generalista na medida em que abre um horizonte multifacetado e plural para o conceito de objetividade jornalística (agora entendida como transparência), e na medida em que incorpora valores de uma \"ética de jornalismo global\" (WARD, 2005, 2008, 2010). / The cross border journalism (es. periodismo transfronteirizo; din. journalistik over grænser; pt. jornalismo transnacional) gained visibility in the years 2010 from series like OffshoreLeaks and SwissLeaks, by establishing a network of collaborative reporting between teams from different countries around issues of continental or global relevance, which usually involves stratagems in international finances for illicit purposes. These journalistic series are the starting point of this thesis, and they are contextualized with the renovation of the milestones of professional journalism, including the post-industrial journalism (ANDERSON, BELL & SHIRKY, 2013) and its coincidence with an \"unlikely golden era of investigative journalism\" (LEWIS, 2009). The research tries to report this territory of pioneers of this new practice from press, which attracts veteran journalists and interests even the classic newsrooms. From the factual findings, this thesis aims to reflect on this trend identifying foundations of a method, although not fully consolidated, and tries to extract therefrom the elements of a concept, and relating its practice to an emergent \"global civil society\" (IANNI, 1996; KALDOR, 2003) and exposing the asymmetries of globalization. Practiced by investigative journalists like David Kaplan and journalists-researchers as the Danish Brigitte Alfter (2015) and the Chilean Florencia Melgar Hourcade (2015), the transnational method takes benefit from the accumulated knowledge by the \"data journalism\" and the \"nonprofit journalism\" and can stimulates a non-competitive culture among newsrooms. This journalism strengthens non-corporate enterprises and gives opening to a stimulating discussion about professional identity. In theory, this thesis investigates if this new professional frontier of press subsidizes indeed the emergence of a global public opinion in a \"generalist\" character as it opens to journalistic field a multifaceted and plural horizon to objectivity (now understood as transparency), and as it incorporates values from a \"global journalism ethics\" (WARD, 2005, 2008, 2010).

This dissertation examines collaborations between the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) and non-union elements of global civil society (GCS). GCS is presented as a crucial emergent site of transnational class formation, and ITUC collaborations within this field are treated as potentially important moments in transnational class formation. The goal of the dissertation is threefold. It seeks to 1) address the lacuna in GCS studies around the involvement of organized labour; 2) provide an analysis of what ITUC GCS collaborations mean for the remit and repertoire of action of the ITUC; and 3) provide an analysis of the impact of ITUC collaborations on transnational class formation. What the findings show is that the ITUC is heavily engaged in GCS through numerous collaborations with non-union organizations concerned with environmental degradation, human rights, global economic inequality, and women workers. Most significantly, collaboration within GCS has provided the ITUC an avenue to incorporate the needs of marginalized women workers whose work does not “fit” into the traditional model of trade union organizing. These findings lead to the conclusion that these collaborations have allowed the ITUC to expand the remit of its activities beyond “bread-and-butter” unionism, and expand its repertoire of action beyond interstate diplomacy. However, the findings do not support the idea that the ITUC has adopted a social movement framework, although it is clear that the ethos of social movement unionism has had an impact on the organization. Nonetheless, the dissertation concludes that the incorporation of marginalized women workers, and the active engagement of the ITUC in global environmental policy debates, signifies a new moment in transnational class formation. / Graduate / 0629 / 0703 / davidbhuxtable@gmail.com

O jornalismo transnacional (in. cross border journalism; es. periodismo transfronteirizo; din. journalistik over grænser) ganhou visibilidade nos anos 2010 a partir de séries como o OffshoreLeaks e o SwissLeaks, por estabelecer uma rede de investigação colaborativa entre equipes de diferentes países em torno de temas de relevância continental ou mundial, que normalmente envolvem estratagemas nas finanças internacionais com fins ilícitos. Tais séries jornalísticas são o ponto de partida desta tese, sendo contextualizadas com a renovação dos marcos do jornalismo profissional, que inclui o jornalismo pós-industrial (ANDERSON, BELL&SHIRKY, 2013), o qual coincide com uma \"improvável época de ouro do jornalismo investigativo\" (LEWIS, 2009). Procura-se, na presente pesquisa, mapear um território de pioneiros dessa prática de imprensa, que atrai jornalistas veteranos e interessa até às redações clássicas. A partir das constatações do crescimento dessa prática, esta tese procura refletir sobre essa tendência e identificar nela fundamentos de um método, ainda que não plenamente consolidado. E de tal método extrair elementos para um conceito, cuja prática expõe as assimetrias da globalização e se projeta numa \"sociedade civil global\" (IANNI, 1996; KALDOR, 2003). Praticado por jornalistas investigativos como David Kaplan e jornalistas-pesquisadoras como a dinamarquesa Brigitte Alfter (2015) e a chilena Florencia Melgar Hourcade (2015), o jornalismo transnacional se beneficia do saber acumulado pelo \"jornalismo de dados\" e pelo \"jornalismo sem fins lucrativos\", o que estimula uma cultura não competitiva entre redações, fortalece empreendimentos não corporativos e dá abertura a uma estimulante discussão sobre identidade profissional. No campo teórico, esta tese investiga se essa nova fronteira profissional da imprensa subsidia de fato a emergência de uma opinião pública global de caráter generalista na medida em que abre um horizonte multifacetado e plural para o conceito de objetividade jornalística (agora entendida como transparência), e na medida em que incorpora valores de uma \"ética de jornalismo global\" (WARD, 2005, 2008, 2010). / The cross border journalism (es. periodismo transfronteirizo; din. journalistik over grænser; pt. jornalismo transnacional) gained visibility in the years 2010 from series like OffshoreLeaks and SwissLeaks, by establishing a network of collaborative reporting between teams from different countries around issues of continental or global relevance, which usually involves stratagems in international finances for illicit purposes. These journalistic series are the starting point of this thesis, and they are contextualized with the renovation of the milestones of professional journalism, including the post-industrial journalism (ANDERSON, BELL & SHIRKY, 2013) and its coincidence with an \"unlikely golden era of investigative journalism\" (LEWIS, 2009). The research tries to report this territory of pioneers of this new practice from press, which attracts veteran journalists and interests even the classic newsrooms. From the factual findings, this thesis aims to reflect on this trend identifying foundations of a method, although not fully consolidated, and tries to extract therefrom the elements of a concept, and relating its practice to an emergent \"global civil society\" (IANNI, 1996; KALDOR, 2003) and exposing the asymmetries of globalization. Practiced by investigative journalists like David Kaplan and journalists-researchers as the Danish Brigitte Alfter (2015) and the Chilean Florencia Melgar Hourcade (2015), the transnational method takes benefit from the accumulated knowledge by the \"data journalism\" and the \"nonprofit journalism\" and can stimulates a non-competitive culture among newsrooms. This journalism strengthens non-corporate enterprises and gives opening to a stimulating discussion about professional identity. In theory, this thesis investigates if this new professional frontier of press subsidizes indeed the emergence of a global public opinion in a \"generalist\" character as it opens to journalistic field a multifaceted and plural horizon to objectivity (now understood as transparency), and as it incorporates values from a \"global journalism ethics\" (WARD, 2005, 2008, 2010).

To date, few scholars have addressed the internal dynamics of transnational advocacy networks (TANs) and their impact on the production of international norms. The lack of research on the topic seems rather surprising at a time when constructivists produce literature on the significance of global civil society and the role networks play in processes of recruitment and collective identity construction (Crugel 1999; Keck and Sikkink 1998; Boli and Thomas 1999; Anheier et al. 2001; Taylor and Rupp 2001; Keane 2003; Bob 2005). I cover this gap by looking at how power struggles between the international and the local members of a TAN shape the implementation of international norms in post-conflict settings. The purpose of the thesis is twofold: firstly to contribute to a broader literature on global civil society and secondly, to propose a new, more dynamic account on the life-cycle of international norms. The campaign for the implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security presents an ideal case study. First, it is one of the most successful stories of global norm creation and diffusion thanks to the advocacy efforts of non-state actors. Second, it also shows a case of policy gridlock, where the international efforts to bettering the situation of women in non-Western settings through an implicit liberal normative teleology have shown their limits by the socializee’s formal acceptance of the framework and informal resistance to the dominant norm. Based on extensive fieldwork, my approach combines feminist research methodology (Bar On 1993; Devault 1990; Pillow 2003; Taylor 2000), with the reflexive approach advocated by qualitative researchers in post-colonial and post-structuralist studies (Said 1978; Butler 1990; Escobar 1995). I conducted 60 semi-structured interviews with women activists during 4 field visits in Bujumbura (Burundi) and Monrovia (Liberia) between 2012 and 2013. Following discourse analysis theory (Shepherd 2008; Hansen 2006) and using NViVo8, the interviews were systematically analysed with regard to the reasons they put forward to explain their engagement in the women’s movement and the type of rights they sought to accomplish. The research is conducted through a relational approach in which the interactions of agents are affected by 1) a diversity of structural opportunities through three mechanisms: brokerage, gatekeeping and diffusion and, 2) a compound of ideas forming the master-frame. Those two, in turn, modify interests and identities, both understood as outputs and not as variables determining the interactions of agents. I show how a certain discourse on gender security became accepted as the master frame of the campaign, and how other discourses were left out. That is, I show how discourses created boundaries and identities amongst actors, and how these actors used their agency to stretch those boundaries and identities in order to steer other activists to move towards certain behaviour. Building upon my empirical findings, the thesis sets out a theoretical model of identity boundaries stretching and adaptation in order to analyse the discursive construction of identity and subjectivity as political action. It develops the concept of rebound effect, that is, the point where the ideational boundaries between the thrower of the boomerang (issue entrepreneur) and the receiver (issue follower) are so impervious that the boomerang bounces back and never reaches its destination. I found out that norms based on a liberal peacebuilding approach such as UNSCR1325 are created and maintained by a failure to engage with local and grassroots movements (Richmond 2013). This, in turn, contributes to a process of de-legitimization of NGOs and local associations who form the TAN vis-à-vis the affected population. My findings have important implications for international relation theories of global governance and global activism since they provided a critique of the mainstream norm’s cascade model by introducing new temporalities and geographies in the analysis of the life-cycle of international norms. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

D’essence interétatique, le droit international public semble fermer ses frontières à toute responsabilité des entreprises transnationales. Cette imperméabilité à la reconnaissance d’une responsabilité juridique per se des pouvoirs économiques globaux n’a cependant pas empêché l’ordre international d’être réactif et d’évoluer en douceur. Face à l’apparition de plusieurs scandales liés à de graves violations des droits de l’homme, notamment dans le cadre des chaînes d’approvisionnement globales, il n’était plus concevable pour l’opinion publique de laisser les entreprises transnationales profiter du vide juridique existant. D’un cafouillis normatif émerge une régulation globale fortement imprégnée par le mouvement de responsabilité sociale des entreprises (RSE). Cette institutionnalisation de la RSE s’appuie sur plusieurs instruments normatifs parmi lesquels les principes directeurs des organisations internationales occupent une place centrale. Ces principes ont vocation à guider les actions des entreprises indépendamment de leur localisation géographique par le biais d’une sorte de toile normative uniforme pour tout le globe. En revanche, la mise en œuvre de cette régulation globale de la RSE n’est possible que par les pressions des acteurs sociaux (société civile et marché) qui tendent à promouvoir la responsabilité des entreprises et facilitent ainsi la transformation de la nature de ses normes. Des normes d’origine privée tendent progressivement à devenir une valeur incontournable dans la gouvernance des chaînes d’approvisionnement globales. En intronisant la RSE dans les relations contractuelles, cette gouvernance signerait l’avènement de nouvelles formulations de la RSE. Cette normativité nouvelle et innovante entend dès lors combler l’espace normatif inoccupé par les États. / Destined, in essence, to regulate interstate relations, public international law seems closed to the idea of recognizing liability of transnational corporations. However, this imperviousness to recognizing legal responsibility per se of global economic powers has not prevented a soft evolution of the international order. Following several scandals related to violations of human rights, some in the context of global supply chains, civil society could no longer allow transnational companies to take advantage of the existing legal vacuum. As a result, a global regulation strongly influenced by the trend of corporate social responsibility (CSR) emerged from a normative muddle. This institutionalization of CSR is based on several instruments, including guiding principles on Business and Human Rights which occupy a central position in this regulatory trend. It is intended that these principles will apply as a uniform, global normative canvas. Therefore, they should guide actions of companies regardless of their geographic location. The implementation of this CSR global framework is possible due to substantial pressure exerted by non-governmental actors, such as civil society and the market. These actors seek to promote CSR and facilitate the transformation of this regulation. Particularly, private standards are playing an increasingly important role in the governance of global supply chains. By establishing CSR in contractual relations, this governance would mark the advent of new regulatory tools which seek to fill in the public law gaps.