A perennial question amongst social movement strategists is to what extent movements can use the tools of the system they are struggling against in their efforts to change that system. Whilst this debate traditionally distinguishes between two camps – radical and reformist approaches – this thesis investigates one movement that breaks this mould. The thesis uses the example of Bolivia's Landless Peasants' Movement (MST) to intervene into renewed theoretical discussion about the possibilities and perils for such movements of using the legal system in the pursuit of systemic social change. Through its tactic of land occupation, the MST breaks the law by occupying unused land on large estates, whilst also invoking other laws stipulating that unused land must be redistributed to those who will work it. The thesis situates the MST's approach to law in the context of an intensified process of juridification in the neoliberal period, through which the logic and language of law increasingly have come to structure political debate and dissent, creating particular pressures for radical movements to engage with the law. Yet it also suggests that movements like the MST have developed subversive ways of engaging the law in response. By examining the MST's tactic as it interacts with this broader context of intensified juridification, the thesis clarifies and nuances the theoretical discussion by identifying how the particular conditions of political mobilisation in the neoliberal period bear on this theoretical debate. Moreover, by examining specifically how this movement's approach to law is differentiated from traditional radical and reformist approaches, and from other attempts to combine the two, the thesis reveals further potential options for radical movements seeking to engage the law. The thesis ultimately suggests that the transformative potential of law may not lie in employing the content of individual laws but in strategic manipulations of the contradictions inherent in the liberal legal form.

The thesis aims to address criticisms of cosmopolitanism that characterise it as an elite discourse, by exploring the role that it might play in Third World resistance movements. In doing so, it complicates the landscape of international normative theory, which has traditionally been mapped as a debate between cosmopolitanism and communitarianism. Part I of the thesis argues that cosmopolitanism and communitarianism can function as languages in which First and Third World states respectively justify exercises of power that impede the self-determination of Third World societies. These discourses of power frame the condition of postcoloniality, which might be understood – borrowing the terminology of International Society theorists – as an entrapment of Third World societies between 'coercive solidarism' and 'authoritarian pluralism'. A normative worldview committed to enhancing the scope for self-determination of such societies must be critical of the production of both external and internal environments that are hostile to the enjoyment of self-determination by Third World peoples. Part II of the thesis explores the political challenges of sustaining such a critique by studying four theorists of resistance who perceive themselves as manoeuvring between hostile external and internal environments. It analyses the political thought of Rabindranath Tagore and Edward Said, who were both leading figures of anti-colonial nationalist movements but also fierce critics of nationalism. It also studies the activism of two leaders in the field of 'anti-globalisation' protest – Subcomandante Marcos of the Zapatistas in Mexico and Professor Nanjundaswamy of the Karnataka State Farmers' Association in India – who struggle against both national elites and global capital. Part II concludes that if resistance in the condition of postcoloniality must grapple simultaneously with both a hostile 'outside' and 'inside', it must speak in mixed registers of universalism and particularity. Cumulatively, the thesis demonstrates that the language of common humanity operates in ways that are both oppressive and emancipatory, just as the language of community is a source of both repression and refuge. Normative theory that does not seek to hold both in tension fails the needs of our non-ideal world.

This thesis aims to provide a framework for analyzing the moral responsibilities of global agents in what I call the Global Health Crisis (GHC), with special attention devoted to the moral responsibilities of pharmaceutical companies. The main contribution of this thesis is to provide a general account of the moral responsibilities of different global players, mapping the different kinds of duties they have, their content and force, and their relation to the responsibilities of other relevant actors in the GHC. I also apply this account to current debates surrounding the need for reforms to the international legal rules addressing the GHC, notably the TRIPs regime. In doing so, this thesis will discuss the allocation of responsibilities for the GHC among different global players, such as state and non-state actors, the latter including pharmaceutical companies. In order to investigate the allocation of duties, I will first analyze the object of such allocation which constitutes the object of the current GHC (Part A); then the agents responsible for addressing this crisis (Part B); and finally, existing institutional alternatives to reform the international legal rules addressing the GHC, such as the TRIPs regime (Part C).

L’Union européenne est associée à l’activité de toutes les institutions qui encadrent l’économie internationale, qu’il s’agisse d’organisations internationales ou d’autres organismes multilatéraux. L’inclusion de l’Union dans ces communautés juridiques présente des avantages mutuels. L’Union, désireuse d’émerger comme acteur sur la scène internationale, peut promouvoir ses valeurs et ses intérêts. En même temps, intégrée aux espaces normatifs des institutions économiques internationales, elle contribue à la mise en œuvre de l’activité de celles-ci. Toutefois, cette intégration soulève aussi des difficultés. L’Union est soucieuse de préserver la maîtrise de sa propre organisation et une marge d’appréciation dans la régulation des phénomènes économiques. Les institutions économiques internationales, quant à elles, sont a priori peu habituées au fonctionnement de l’Union, notamment en ce qui concerne l’articulation de ses compétences avec celles de ses Etats membres. La participation de l’Union européenne aux institutions économiques internationales est un processus d’interaction institutionnelle permanente qui vise le dépassement de ces difficultés et l’adaptation réciproque. Projetant vers l’extérieur ses politiques publiques, qui constituent à leur tour la mise en œuvre de politiques des institutions économiques internationales, l’Union favorise la continuité des niveaux de la gouvernance économique mondiale. Ainsi, l’Union influence et est influencée par la libéralisation et la régulation multilatérales de tous les phénomènes économiques internationaux : le commerce, l’investissement, la finance et la coopération au développement. / The European Union is involved in the activity of all institutions that shape and supervise the world economy, be they international organizations or other multilateral fora. The Union’s inclusion in these legal communities is mutually beneficial. On the one hand, the Union is eager to assert itself as an actor on the international scene and can promote its values and interests. On the other hand, the Union helps to implement norms produced by host institutions and to achieve their goals, as it is integrated in their legal order or network. However, this integration also gives rise to some problems. The Union tries to protect its own organization and margin of appreciation in regulating economic phenomena. Moreover, in principle host institutions are not accustomed to its functioning, especially as far as relations with member states are concerned. The European Union’s participation in international economic institutions is a process of continuous institutional interaction which aims at overcoming these problems through reciprocal adaptation. As the Union promotes its public policies within international economic institutions, which shape in turn the Union’s policies, this process boosts the coherence between levels of economic governance. Thus, the Union influences and is influenced by multilateral liberalization and regulation of all economic phenomena: trade, investment, finance, and development cooperation.

O estudo se propõe a investigar as particularidades e especificidades dos mecanismos de governança global dos influxos investimentos diretos externos (IDE). Se, por um lado, não existe atualmente (à exemplo do comércio internacional) uma grande organização multilateral que garanta a governança dos influxos na relação entre os países (e, especialmente, entre entes estatais e particulares); por outro, prevalece a bilateralidade como esfera máxima da supranacionalidade para a regulação dos IDEs. Como especificidade dos IDEs, é característica a instalação do capital produtivo estrangeiro em um território nacional e a consequente sujeição à soberania de um ente estatal. Assim, configura-se, então, um modelo de governança sui generis em que coexistem uma governança com governo (no plano nacional) e uma governança sem governo (no plano supranacional). A principal hipótese de pesquisa é que as instituições nacionais e instituições supranacionais conjugam-se em uma relação de complementariedade e interação para configurar a estrutura da governança global dos influxos de IDEs. Para os testes empíricos, são estimados modelos interativos através de métodos econométricos longitudinais. Ao fim, conclui-se, com base em evidências robustas, que esse parece ser o mecanismo que configura essa peculiar forma de governança. / This research aims to investigate particularities and specificities of the global governance of foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows. If, on the one hand, a large multilateral organization, does not currently exist for FDIs (such as the existence of the WTO for international trade); on the other hand, bilateralism prevails as the ultimate sphere of supranationality for the regulation of FDIs in the international arena. As a particularity of FDIs, foreign productive capital typically crosses over into a national territory and thus foreign investors must undergo the sovereign power of such state entity and abide by its decisions. Therefore, a sui generis model of global governance emerges in which there coexists a governance with government (at the national level) and a governance without government (at the supranational level). The main research hypothesis is that national and supranational institutions conjugate themselves in an intricate relationship of complementarity and interaction in order to configure such global governance structure of FDI inflows. For the empirical tests, interactive models are estimated through longitudinal econometric methods. Finally, based upon robust evidence, it is concluded that this seems to be the mechanism that engenders this peculiar form of governance.

O estudo se propõe a investigar as particularidades e especificidades dos mecanismos de governança global dos influxos investimentos diretos externos (IDE). Se, por um lado, não existe atualmente (à exemplo do comércio internacional) uma grande organização multilateral que garanta a governança dos influxos na relação entre os países (e, especialmente, entre entes estatais e particulares); por outro, prevalece a bilateralidade como esfera máxima da supranacionalidade para a regulação dos IDEs. Como especificidade dos IDEs, é característica a instalação do capital produtivo estrangeiro em um território nacional e a consequente sujeição à soberania de um ente estatal. Assim, configura-se, então, um modelo de governança sui generis em que coexistem uma governança com governo (no plano nacional) e uma governança sem governo (no plano supranacional). A principal hipótese de pesquisa é que as instituições nacionais e instituições supranacionais conjugam-se em uma relação de complementariedade e interação para configurar a estrutura da governança global dos influxos de IDEs. Para os testes empíricos, são estimados modelos interativos através de métodos econométricos longitudinais. Ao fim, conclui-se, com base em evidências robustas, que esse parece ser o mecanismo que configura essa peculiar forma de governança. / This research aims to investigate particularities and specificities of the global governance of foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows. If, on the one hand, a large multilateral organization, does not currently exist for FDIs (such as the existence of the WTO for international trade); on the other hand, bilateralism prevails as the ultimate sphere of supranationality for the regulation of FDIs in the international arena. As a particularity of FDIs, foreign productive capital typically crosses over into a national territory and thus foreign investors must undergo the sovereign power of such state entity and abide by its decisions. Therefore, a sui generis model of global governance emerges in which there coexists a governance with government (at the national level) and a governance without government (at the supranational level). The main research hypothesis is that national and supranational institutions conjugate themselves in an intricate relationship of complementarity and interaction in order to configure such global governance structure of FDI inflows. For the empirical tests, interactive models are estimated through longitudinal econometric methods. Finally, based upon robust evidence, it is concluded that this seems to be the mechanism that engenders this peculiar form of governance.

This thesis develops a theory of international social closure to examine (i) the politics of membership in status groups – or, clubs – in international society and (ii) the persistence of clubs in international society. This thesis offers new concepts to improve the English School’s understanding of international society, its expansion, and its reproduction. In so doing it also addresses limitations and gaps in the IR status literature and the global governance and diplomacy literatures concerned with clubs and networks. This thesis analyses strategies of exclusion, entry, and incorporation used by actors to deny, attempt, or grant inclusion into clubs as well as the institutional contexts underpinning those clubs. Specifically, this research undertakes a study of instances of exclusion, entry, and incorporation in the context of three clubs: the Family of Civilised Nations, the Great Powers club, and G-summitry. In the first two cases, this research relies primarily on secondary sources while in the case of G-summitry it presents original empirical research gathered through archival research, interviews, and ethnographic participant observation. This thesis presents four main conclusions about the operation of closure: (i) the logics of different closure games are defined by overarching normative institutions of international society; (ii) despite a collectivist closure rule, closure in international society is predominantly individualistic; (iii) actors seeking entry tend to employ deferential entry strategies that reproduce a stratified status quo order; and (iv) incorporation promotes stratification along both functional and cultural lines. This thesis also draws three specific conclusions that run counter to much current scholarship: (i) contemporary international society is neither more open nor less hierarchical than nineteenth century international society; (ii) hierarchy is reproduced to a large degree by entry and incorporation strategies rather than exclusion strategies; and (iii) closure does not run along a ‘west versus the rest’ fault line.

1998年在全球各地環保團體、消費者團體、社會正義團體等非政府組織跨國串聯反對下，擊敗了正在經濟合作暨發展組織為了一致化外國直接投資規則進行的多邊投資協定談判，這是非政府組織成功在全球經濟治理領域發揮影響力的重要案例。本論文的研究目的在於探討：第一、反對多邊投資協定談判的非政府組織跨國倡議活動為什麼成功及如何成功；第二、他們反對的理由是什麼；第三、從這個案例來看非政府組織倡議活動正在或將對國際政治經濟決策過程帶來何種程度的衝擊。這個個案研究使用Margaret E. Keck與Kathryn Sikkink的跨國倡議網絡（transnational advocacy network, TAN）理論，分析公民反抗行動如何成功影響在全球層次的政治決策，TAN理論強調議題共鳴、網絡密度、與目標對象脆弱性三種因素的重要性。本論文除了用這三種因素檢視反多邊投資協定運動過程，並發現非政府組織的倡議活動是否能夠與政府力量取得連結的重要性，作為TAN理論的補充。其次，本論文發現反多邊投資協定運動策略性地轉變為以國內為基礎的運動，透過國內爭議政治的傳統反抗手法向政府表達公民的訴求，以避開國際組織對非政府組織不利的政治機會結構，呈現出與TAN理論的「迴力鏢效果」相對立的發展。最後，這個個案研究發現反多邊投資協定運動更接近基於民族主義的傳統政治，而不能說是一種世界主義政治的發展。世界主義論者預期在一個形成中的全球公民社會中國家的角色正在消退，在這個案例中顯然並無法獲得足夠的證明。 / In 1998, a transnational NGO coalition of environmentalist, consumer rights, and social justice activists helped to defeat the Multilateral Agreement on Investment (MAI), a draft treaty to harmonize rules on foreign direct investment under the aegis of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). This dissertation addresses why and how the transnational NGO advocacy sank the MAI negotiation, what are their advocacy reasons, and to what extent the transnational NGO advocacy activities will influence and are influencing the international decision making process. This case study uses Margaret E. Keck and Kathryn Sikkink’s transnational advocacy network (TAN) theory, which stresses the importance of issue resonance, network density, and target vulnerability, to explore how citizen’s resistance struggle succeed in influencing policy at global level. First, in supplementing Keck and Sikkink’s TAN theory, the work suggests whether the NGO advocacy links with its governmental power is also at stake. Second, contrary to the “boomerang effect” from their TAN theory, the work finds that the transnational NGO campaign against MAI strategically shifted to country-based campaigns to address citizen’s claims through traditional repertoire of contention politics, in bypassing unfavorable political opportunity structure in international arena. Finally, the anti-MAI campaign was found to be much closer to traditional politics in a view of nationalism than the alleged cosmopolitan politics, which expects the role of state has eroded in an emerging global civil society.