The New Zealand Food Bill is being passed amidst stern criticism of its content and the influence on it by multi-national corporations and the Codex Alimentarius Commission, whose food-safety standards motivated the bill. These concerns illustrate the large democratic and legitimisation deficits in global governance. One response to these criticisms and concerns is global administrative law, which focuses on promoting administrative law tools to enhance accountability. However, an examination of the Food Bill reinforces two main critiques of global administrative law: that it excludes addressing substance of international law and brackets democracy. I argue the limited GAL approach cannot be justified and the significant gaps in its approach require that it engage with democracy. I analyse the possibilities of global administrative law to engage with (to acknowledge and adopt) three theories of global democracy - deliberative, cosmopolitan, and radical pluralism. I argue deliberative democracy offers the most accessible option.

The New Zealand Food Bill is being passed amidst stern criticism of its content and the influence on it by multi-national corporations and the Codex Alimentarius Commission, whose food-safety standards motivated the bill. These concerns illustrate the large democratic and legitimisation deficits in global governance. One response to these criticisms and concerns is global administrative law, which focuses on promoting administrative law tools to enhance accountability. However, an examination of the Food Bill reinforces two main critiques of global administrative law: that it excludes addressing substance of international law and brackets democracy. I argue the limited GAL approach cannot be justified and the significant gaps in its approach require that it engage with democracy. I analyse the possibilities of global administrative law to engage with (to acknowledge and adopt) three theories of global democracy - deliberative, cosmopolitan, and radical pluralism. I argue deliberative democracy offers the most accessible option.

The “Girl Effect” is becoming a growing global movement that assumes young women are catalysts capable of bringing social and economic change to their families, communities and countries, particularly in the Two-Thirds World. The evolving discourse associated with the Girl Effect movement holds implications for sport, gender and development (SGD) programs. Increasingly, SGD interventions are funded and implemented by transnational corporations (TNCs) as part of the mounting portfolio of global corporate social engagement (GCSE) initiatives in development. Drawing on postcolonial feminist international relations theory, cultural studies of girlhood, sociology of sport and governmentality studies, the purpose of this study was to explore: a) how young women in Eastern Uganda experience SGD programs; and b) how constellations of aid relations among a sport transnational corporation (STNC), international non-governmental organization (INGO), and southern non-governmental organization (SNGO) impacted and influenced the ways that SGD programs are executed, implemented and “taken up” by young women. This study used qualitative methods, including 35 semi-structured in-depth interviews with organizational staff members and young women, participant observation and document analysis in order to investigate how a SGD program in Eastern Uganda that is funded by a STNC and INGO used martial arts to build young women’s self-defence skills to help address gender-based, sexual and domestic violence. Results revealed martial arts programming increased confidence, challenged gender norms, augmented social networks and provided social entrepreneurial opportunities. At the same time, the program also attempted to govern young women’s sexuality and health, but did so while ignoring culturally distinct gender relations. Findings also highlighted the colonial residue and power of aid relations, STNC’s brand authority over SGD programming, the involvement of Western actors in locating “authentic” subaltern stories about social entrepreneurial work in SGD, and how the politics of the “global” sisterhood is enmeshed in saving “distant others” in gender and development work. Overall, this study found that the drive for GCSE, when entangled with neo-liberal globalization, impels actors working in SGD to look to social innovation and entrepreneurship as strategies for survival in an increasingly competitive international development climate.

The central argument that I advance in this dissertation is that the influence of the Rockefeller Foundation (RF) and the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation (BMGF) in the governance of global health and agricultural development has been derived from their ability to advance knowledge structures crafted to accommodate the preferences of the dominant states operating within the contexts where they have sought to catalyze change. Consequently, this dissertation provides a new way of conceptualizing knowledge power broadly conceived as well as private governance as it relates to the provision of public goods. In the first half of the twentieth-century, RF funds drove scientific research that produced tangible solutions, such as vaccines and high-yielding seed varieties, to longstanding problems undermining the health and wealth of developing countries emerging from the clutches of colonialism. At the country-level, the Foundation provided advanced training to a generation of agricultural scientists and health practitioners, and RF expertise was also pivotal to the creation of specialized International Organizations (IOs) for health (e.g. the League of Nations Health Organization) and agriculture (e.g. the Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research) as well as many informal international networks of experts working to solve common problems. Finally in the neo-liberal era, RF effectively demonstrated how the public-private partnership paradigm could provide public goods in the face of externally imposed austerity constraining public sector capacity and the failure of the free-market to meet the needs of populations with limited purchasing power. Since its inception, the BMGF has demonstrated a similar commitment to underwriting innovation through science oriented towards reducing global health disparities and increasing agricultural productivity in poor countries, and has greatly expanded the application of the Public-Private Partnership (PPP) approach in both health and agriculture. Unlike its intellectual forebear, BMGF has been far more focused on end-points and silver bullets than investing directly in the training of human resources. Moreover whereas RF has for most of its history decentralized its staff, those of BMGF have been concentrated mainly at its headquarters in Seattle. With no operational programs of its own, BMGF has instead relied heavily on external consultants to inform its programs and remains dependent on intermediary organizations to implement its grants. Despite these and other differences, both RF and BMGF have exhibited a common capacity to catalyse institutional innovation that has benefited historically marginalized populations in the absence of structural changes to the dominant global power structure. A preference for compromise over contestation, coupled with a capacity for enabling innovation in science and governance, has resulted in broad acceptance for RF and BMGF knowledge structures within both state and international policy arenas. This acceptance has translated into both Foundations having direct influence over (i) how major challenges related to disease and agriculture facing the global south are understood (i.e. the determinants and viable solutions); (ii) what types of knowledge matters for solving said problems (i.e. who leads); and (iii) how collective action focused on addressing these problems is structured (i.e. the institutional frameworks).

This paper is a law thesis that is based on a combined theoretical framework of Green Legal Theory (GLT) and Theories of International Regimes (TIR). GLT has a broad conception of ‘law’. It is based on the argument that ‘laws’ exist at different levels and in different forms, and that ‘legal laws’ are themselves manifestations of regulatory dynamics that are embedded in institutions and processes; and cultural logics that generate and support those laws. TIR examines the negotiation, development, formation, and sustenance of international regimes. The paper is a critical analysis of, especially, the combined effects of capitalist laws and the liberal democratic system of state-based governance. This allows me to highlight the underlying factors/dynamics that are responsible for the continuing inability to address climate change because of the mandated pursuit of energy security (i.e. the regulatory imperative). The analysis revolves around four key global actors, which are the multinational corporations (MNCs), the state, civil society (Non-governmental Organizations), and global institutions. First, I discuss the growing economic and political powers of MNCs in a liberalized and deregulated system, and establish the need for a better regulatory system. Second, I criticize the territorial sovereignty principle and deconstruct the contemporary system of national governance, while highlighting the need to relax the Westphalian system for global constitutionalism. Third, I analyze two approaches to globalization, and make a case against ‘globalization from above’ while arguing for ‘globalization from below’. I also highlighted the crucial role non-governmental organizations have begun to play in global governance. Fourth, I make a critical analysis of inter-state relations in global institutions to show the underlying factors that have compromised the level of cooperation needed to address the conundrum. Finally, based on all of the issues that I analyze in the paper, I propose some foundational principles, and a specific strategy, that would help to propel the needed re-form in global governance, to help to restore its ability to address global problems / Graduate / 0398 / 0616 / ikulasi@yahoo.com

Com o objetivo de analisar as demandas por um novo arcabouço sociojurídico na Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC), este trabalho analisa os movimentos que permitiram algumas \"desestruturações\" da \"ordem internacional\" e permitiram a identificação de dois modos de produção no sistema internacional: o interestatal e o cosmopolita. A promoção da autonomia do espaço cosmopolita influiu significativamente na estrutura dos tradicionais fóruns interestatais como é o caso da OMC. Através da análise das estruturas do sistema multilateral de comércio, indica-se aquelas que favoreceram as demandas das instituições não-estatais, com diversas racionalidades e formas de ação perante a OMC, e as influências dessas instituições nas formas de regulamentação dessa organização. Nossa preocupação é identificar no pluralismo de instituições a consolidação de um multilateralismo complexo, resultado de uma transformação na forma de governança da economia e dos movimentos sociais globais. Tais relações promovem a repolitização do sistema multilateral de comércio e apontam para o desafio da inserção da OMC num sistema de governança global. Uma segunda parte do trabalho analisa a recepção de um novo arcabouço sociojurídico na OMC pelo Estado e pela sociedade brasileiros. / The objective of this work is to analyse claims for a new social and legal structure in the World Trade Organization (WTO). For this purpose it investigates the movements which promoted the \"dismantling\" of the \"international order\" and encouraged the recognition of the existence of two different modes of production within the international system: on the one hand a system between states; and a cosmopolitan one on the other hand. The autonomy of the cosmopolitan space has changed the structure of the traditional fora, of which the WTO is part. A critical analysis of the multilateral trade system structures allows us to identify those structures that have allowed the claims of non state institutions to be expressed on the scale they did, albeit with varying levels of rationality and methods. It also shows the influences such institutions exercise on the WTO system of regulation. The aim is to identify how this plurality of institutions endorses a complex multilateralism, which is a result of the changes in the governance of both economic and global social movements. Such developments instigate the re-politization of the multilateral trade system and present a challenge for the inclusion of the WTO in a system of global governance. The second part of the work is focused on the responses of the Brazilian government and society to these new developments in the WTO structure.

The aim of this thesis is to analyze the recently formed global governance of migration, which has got an unprecedented trans-boundary nature due to the impacts og globalization in the post Cold War era.

This study examines the science/policy interactions in global health science and technology governance. It focuses on the institutional design of organizations that sit at the interface of science and policy, conceptualizing them as Boundary Organizations (BOs). The analysis considers how the institutional design of BOs affect boundary-work. The study examines two case studies, UNESCO’s International Bioethics Committee and the WHO’s Strategic Advisory Group of Experts on Immunization. The study examines the ways in which boundary-work is carried out and finds that the concept of a BO demonstrates an institutionalization of science/policy interactions and the analysis of these two cases show that there are different ways that boundary-work is practiced as a function of the design of BOs. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

The main objective of our doctoral thesis is to evaluate the role of the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) and its political, economic and socio-cultural pillars as a political process in interregional (multilevel) governance in Eurasian relations. We have conducted a unique case study that is based on a holistic qualitative interpretation by means of a postpositivist perspective and discourse analysis. Given the transitional and multidimensional nature of interregionalism as a political process, we are applying the (neo)realist balancing with elements of (neo)liberal multilateralism and social constructivism as the basic theoretical approach. Based on this structure, we have come to the conclusion that (1) ASEM as an interregional policy framework is too flexible (in terms of its scope and agenda-setting) and too inclusive (in terms of its enlargement). (2) Given the inability of ASEM to actively respond to various challenges and to implement properly its policies through its currently available instruments, this Eurasian interregional process cannot be regarded as a fully-fledged contribution the global (multilevel) governance. (3) Therefore interregionalism as part of the ASEM process will not lead to a creation of an "Eurasian Century", despite the undeniable need to identify corresponding supranational political regimes that will efficiently promote a balance of power between Europe, Asia and America. (4) Interregionalism as a political approach cannot be demoted to a loose and informal interaction of nation states or regions only because the current challenges in international relations require an organized and results-oriented framework for cooperation. (5) Additionally, the existing bilateral relations between individual countries in Asia and Europe will continue to be the key and most efficient form of solving various issues and challenges between the states.

The main theme of the work is global governance of cyberspace. The objective of the thesis is to assess the threat of cybercrime to global governance of cyberspace. The first chapter helps to create a theoretical framework for the thesis through definition of the main concepts. Second chapter analyzes cybercrime. The goal is to better understand cybercrime as a whole, its different types and its process. The content of the third chapter is an analysis of the history of cybercrime as well as the international law of cyberspace (as a key component of global governance). The fourth chapter goes over the current state of the international law governing cyberspace. After that in the fifth chapter the thesis looks into specific problems of global governance in general and also in the cybernetics. Previous findings are then combined in the last chapter. It contains recommendations for the development of cyberspace global governance. These recommendations are then applied into a few models of cyberspace governance.