Le Global Administrative Law (GAL) -- ou "droit administratif global" en français -- est apparu en 2005, à la suite des réflexions conjuguées de chercheurs d'universités américaines (principalement de la New York University School of Law) et italiennes. Le GAL se donne pour but d'analyser un ensemble de mécanismes, règles et procédés comparables aux droits administratifs nationaux utilisés pour promouvoir la transparence, une participation accrue, et la mise en place de mécanismes de responsabilisation (Accountability), au sein d'une structure hybride (Global Administrative Space), composée aussi bien d'organisations internationales, que d'acteurs non-étatiques. La présente étude se donne pour objectif d'analyser les interactions entre ce GAL et le droit international public d'un point de vue institutionnel. / Global Administrative Law (GAL) - or "droit administratif global" in French -appeared in 2005, as the fruit of the combined work of researchers from American (mainly New York University School of Law) and Italian universities. GAL's purpose is to analyze a set of mechanisms, rules and procedures comparable tonational administrative law used to promote transparency, increased participation,and the establishment of accountability mechanisms, within a hybrid structure(called Global Administrative Space), composed of both international organizations and non-state actors. This study's objective is to analyze theinteractions between GAL and public international law from an institutional pointof view.

La mondialisation interroge le dogme de la frontière. Peut-être que la représentation d’une ligne nette et tranchée séparant de manière catégorique et intemporelle un « dedans » et un « dehors » n’est pas la seule forme juridique possible de la frontière. Peut-être aussi que l’élimination des frontières dans le marché intérieur de l’Union européenne (au sens de l’article 26 TFUE) et l’établissement d’un « village-global », qui aurait irrémédiablement fait disparaître toute forme de démarcation, ne l’est pas non plus. Peut-être que la mondialisation n’est pas, en définitive, une invitation à s’interroger sur la déchéance ou la résurgence des frontières, mais l’occasion de réfléchir à leur pertinence afin de retrouver un sens à la notion de « frontière ». / Globalization questions the very dogma of the border. Perhaps the representation of the border as a clear and distinct line – separating unequivocally and timelessly – the “inside” from the “outside” is not the only possible legal status for the border. Perhaps the elimination of borders within the internal market of the European Union (in the sense of article 26 TFEU) and the implementation of a “global village”, which would have irreversibly erased all forms of dividing lines, do not match the legal reality of international trade. Perhaps globalization is not an invitation to question the decline or resurgence of borders, but an opportunity to think about their relevance in order to rediscover the very meaning of the notion of “border”.

This master\'s thesis examines the effects of Brazil\'s economic and political rise on the nation\'s ability to have shaped global order through soft balancing during the presidency of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and the consequent impact on Brazil\'s relations with the United States. In order to contextualize the effects of Brazil\'s soft balancing on international institutions and Brazilian-American relations, this text first reviews the relevant theoretical and empirical literature on the liberal peace (and, conversely, trade-based conflicts), the democratic peace, and the nature and evolution of global governance. In the context of both the liberal peace and global governance, the literature implies the potential either for Brazilian-American cooperation to have grown or for heightened conflict to have arisen from the countries\' opposing interests and quests for influence in the transformation to a multipolar world. Meanwhile, the literature posits the potential for shared values to have promoted bilateral harmony but also points to shortcomings in Brazil\'s democratic consolidation that may have undermined the relevance of democracy as a catalyst for Brazilian-American relations during Lula\'s presidency. The empirical analysis in this text, after briefly examining Brazil\'s past quest for power vis-á-vis the United States and Lula\'s limited expansion of Brazil\'s hard (military) power, focuses on Lula\'s use of soft power as a tool to balance American influence in South America and around the world. Lula pursued a classic middle-power soft-balancing strategy by building regional and global coalitions and leveraging international institutions. Although Lula\'s efforts at coalition-building had somewhat limited effects, Brazil\'s soft-balancing strategy nevertheless succeeded in making Brazil\'s positions more consequential to global governance and American policy. Lula\'s incremental progress in checking American influence and solidifying Brazil\'s status as a middle power generally led to friction between Brazil and the United States, although the two countries were able to maintain constructive relations in areas of shared values and interests. / Esta dissertação de mestrado analisa os efeitos da ascensão econômica e política do Brasil sobre a capacidade do país em haver moldado a ordem global via soft balancing durante a presidência de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, bem como o consequente impacto dessa ascensão sobre as relações do Brasil com os Estados Unidos. A fim de contextualizar os efeitos do soft balancing brasileiro em instituições internacionais e nas relações brasileiro-americanas, este texto realiza, primeiramente, uma revisão da literatura teórica e empírica pertinente relativa a paz liberal (e, inversamente, conflitos relacionados ao comércio), a paz democrática e a natureza e evolução da governança global. No contexto tanto da paz liberal quanto da governança global, a literatura sugere o potencial ou de aumento da cooperação entre Brasil-Estados Unidos ou de intensificação do conflito decorrente de interesses divergentes dos países e da busca por influência na transformação para um mundo multipolar. Paralelamente, a literatura indica o potencial de que valores compartilhados tenham promovido harmonia bilateral, mas aponta ainda para as limitações da consolidação democrática do Brasil, cujos efeitos podem ter enfraquecido a importância da democracia como um catalisador das relações brasileiro-americanas durante a presidência de Lula. A parte empírica deste texto, após uma breve análise da história de busca brasileira por poder vis-à-vis aos Estados Unidos e da limitada expansão do hard power (poder militar) brasileiro, foca-se no uso que Lula fez do soft power como forma de contra-balancear a influência americana na América do Sul e ao redor do mundo. Lula adotou uma estratégia clássica de soft balancing de potências intermediárias por meio da construção de coalizões regionais e globais, além da influência em instituições internacionais. Apesar dos limitados resultados dos esforços de Lula em formar coalizões, a estratégia brasileira de soft balancing foi, no entanto, bem sucedida em tornar a posição brasileira mais relevante para a governança global e a política americana. Apesar dos dois países terem sido capazes de manter relações construtivas em áreas de interesse e valores comuns, o progresso crescente de Lula em limitar a influência americana e solidificar a posição brasileira de potência intermediária levou, de maneira geral, a atritos entre Brasil e Estados Unidos.

Refugiados ambientais são refugiados não convencionais e são migrantes forçados, interna ou internacionalmente, temporária ou permanentemente, em situação de vulnerabilidade e que se veem obrigados a deixar sua morada habitual por motivos ambientais de início lento ou de início rápido, causados por motivos naturais, antropogênicos ou pela combinação de ambos. Embora não existam reconhecimento e proteção específica para esses migrantes no direito internacional em escala global, alguns instrumentos jurídicos regionais e leis nacionais assim o fazem. Argumenta-se, nesta tese de doutorado, que os refugiados ambientais possuem modos de proteção geral em certas áreas do direito internacional e que as possibilidades atuais e futuras de proteção específica podem ser encontradas nas fontes primárias do direito internacional, indicadas no artigo 38(1) do Estatuto da Corte Internacional de Justiça. Foram identificadas sete vias de proteção dos refugiados ambientais no direito internacional e no direito interno estatal: (i) a via da ação humanitária, (ii) a via da proteção complementar, (iii) a via da legislação nacional, (iv) a via da justiça climática, (v) a via da responsabilidade compartilhada, (vi) a via da judicialização do refúgio ambiental e (vii) a via do tratado internacional. Sugere-se, ainda, o estabelecimento de uma governança migratória-ambiental global baseada nos regimes internacionais e na ação dos atores nos níveis local, nacional, regional e internacional para a execução das formas de proteção e para o atendimento das necessidades dos refugiados ambientais no mundo. / \"Environmental refugees\" are non-conventional refugees and forced migrants, internally or internationally, temporarily or permanently, in a situation of vulnerability, and that are forced to leave their homes for environmental reasons, of slow or rapid onset, caused by natural or anthropogenic reasons, or a combination of both. Although there is no specific recognition and protection to these migrants under international law on a global scale, some regional legal instruments and national laws recognize and protect them. The main argument of this doctoral thesis is that \"environmental refugees\" are under general protection in certain areas of international law and that the current and future possibilities for specific protection can be found in the primary sources of international law, referred to in Article 38(1) of the Statute of the International Court of Justice. Seven protective pathways for \"environmental refugees\" were identified in international law and in domestic law: by means of (i) humanitarian action, (ii) complementary protection, (iii) national law, (iv) climate justice, (v) shared responsibility, (vi) judicialization of environmental asylum, and (vii) the international treaty. It is also suggested that a comprehensive global environmental migration governance be established, based on international regimes and by action of actors at local, national, regional and international levels, for the implementation of the forms of protection and to meet the needs of \"environmental refugees\" worldwide.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:20:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rejaine Silva Guimaraes.pdf: 1081596 bytes, checksum: 38f57d08e1463d6517dc4500798c64f8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-05-27 / The current debate about the international environmental protection regime occurring within the world-system has been operated using a movement that tends to dilute traditional paradigms of power, strategy and sovereignty. This study analyzes participatory democracy on an epistemological basis and how it can contribute to building a participatory democratic vision of environmental governance in a context of complex societies. The study was developed around four central themes: participatory democracy as a new democratic paradigm in the Habermasian procedural conception of communicative action; the new dimensions of analysis in the conception and provision of what is characterized as public goods the environment as a global public good and the interests of different international actors in conforming to this concept ; global environmental governance as an instrument capable of articulate and promote institutionalized participatory democracy, which resembles the notion of international regimes; and, finally, the effective participation of internal and external actors in the drawing up of the major UN declarations on environmental protection. The adopted methodology was qualitative in an essentially exploratory nature, trough bibliographic and documental exploration, supported on the descriptive model. It was concluded that, although the participation of civil society in discussions of preparatory documents for the conference has been extended in the recent decades, the effective participation of other actors excluding States has shown very deficient due to their low power to influence the decision-making processes around the international environmental regime / O debate atual sobre o regime internacional de proteção ao meio ambiente ocorrido no âmbito do sistema-mundo tem-se operado seguindo um movimento que tende a diluir paradigmas tradicionais de potência, estratégia e soberania. Este estudo busca analisar, com bases epistemológicas, de que forma a Democracia Participativa pode contribuir para a construção de uma visão democrática participativa de governança ambiental em um contexto de sociedades complexas. A pesquisa foi desenvolvida em torno de quatro eixos centrais: a Democracia Participativa como novo paradigma democrático na concepção procedimental habermasiana de ação comunicativa; as novas dimensões de análise na concepção e provisão daquilo que se caracteriza como bens públicos o meio ambiente como bem público global e os interesses dos diferentes atores internacionais na conformação desse conceito ; a governança global ambiental como instrumento capaz de articular e promover a Democracia Participativa institucionalizada que se aproxima da noção de regimes internacionais; e, finalmente, a efetiva participação dos atores internos e externos na elaboração das principais declarações das Nações Unidas sobre proteção ao meio ambiente. A metodologia adotada foi qualitativa de caráter essencialmente exploratório, sondagem bibliográfica e documental amparando-se no modelo descritivo. Concluiu-se do estudo que, embora a participação da sociedade civil nas discussões dos documentos preparatórios para as conferências se tenham ampliado nas últimas décadas, a participação efetiva de outros atores que não os Estados se tem apresentado bastante deficitária ante seu baixo poder de influência nos processos de tomada de decisão no regime internacional de meio ambiente

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:54:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rejaine Silva Guimaraes.pdf: 1081596 bytes, checksum: 38f57d08e1463d6517dc4500798c64f8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-05-27 / The current debate about the international environmental protection regime occurring within the world-system has been operated using a movement that tends to dilute traditional paradigms of power, strategy and sovereignty. This study analyzes participatory democracy on an epistemological basis and how it can contribute to building a participatory democratic vision of environmental governance in a context of complex societies. The study was developed around four central themes: participatory democracy as a new democratic paradigm in the Habermasian procedural conception of communicative action; the new dimensions of analysis in the conception and provision of what is characterized as public goods the environment as a global public good and the interests of different international actors in conforming to this concept ; global environmental governance as an instrument capable of articulate and promote institutionalized participatory democracy, which resembles the notion of international regimes; and, finally, the effective participation of internal and external actors in the drawing up of the major UN declarations on environmental protection. The adopted methodology was qualitative in an essentially exploratory nature, trough bibliographic and documental exploration, supported on the descriptive model. It was concluded that, although the participation of civil society in discussions of preparatory documents for the conference has been extended in the recent decades, the effective participation of other actors excluding States has shown very deficient due to their low power to influence the decision-making processes around the international environmental regime / O debate atual sobre o regime internacional de proteção ao meio ambiente ocorrido no âmbito do sistema-mundo tem-se operado seguindo um movimento que tende a diluir paradigmas tradicionais de potência, estratégia e soberania. Este estudo busca analisar, com bases epistemológicas, de que forma a Democracia Participativa pode contribuir para a construção de uma visão democrática participativa de governança ambiental em um contexto de sociedades complexas. A pesquisa foi desenvolvida em torno de quatro eixos centrais: a Democracia Participativa como novo paradigma democrático na concepção procedimental habermasiana de ação comunicativa; as novas dimensões de análise na concepção e provisão daquilo que se caracteriza como bens públicos o meio ambiente como bem público global e os interesses dos diferentes atores internacionais na conformação desse conceito ; a governança global ambiental como instrumento capaz de articular e promover a Democracia Participativa institucionalizada que se aproxima da noção de regimes internacionais; e, finalmente, a efetiva participação dos atores internos e externos na elaboração das principais declarações das Nações Unidas sobre proteção ao meio ambiente. A metodologia adotada foi qualitativa de caráter essencialmente exploratório, sondagem bibliográfica e documental amparando-se no modelo descritivo. Concluiu-se do estudo que, embora a participação da sociedade civil nas discussões dos documentos preparatórios para as conferências se tenham ampliado nas últimas décadas, a participação efetiva de outros atores que não os Estados se tem apresentado bastante deficitária ante seu baixo poder de influência nos processos de tomada de decisão no regime internacional de meio ambiente

Refugiados ambientais são refugiados não convencionais e são migrantes forçados, interna ou internacionalmente, temporária ou permanentemente, em situação de vulnerabilidade e que se veem obrigados a deixar sua morada habitual por motivos ambientais de início lento ou de início rápido, causados por motivos naturais, antropogênicos ou pela combinação de ambos. Embora não existam reconhecimento e proteção específica para esses migrantes no direito internacional em escala global, alguns instrumentos jurídicos regionais e leis nacionais assim o fazem. Argumenta-se, nesta tese de doutorado, que os refugiados ambientais possuem modos de proteção geral em certas áreas do direito internacional e que as possibilidades atuais e futuras de proteção específica podem ser encontradas nas fontes primárias do direito internacional, indicadas no artigo 38(1) do Estatuto da Corte Internacional de Justiça. Foram identificadas sete vias de proteção dos refugiados ambientais no direito internacional e no direito interno estatal: (i) a via da ação humanitária, (ii) a via da proteção complementar, (iii) a via da legislação nacional, (iv) a via da justiça climática, (v) a via da responsabilidade compartilhada, (vi) a via da judicialização do refúgio ambiental e (vii) a via do tratado internacional. Sugere-se, ainda, o estabelecimento de uma governança migratória-ambiental global baseada nos regimes internacionais e na ação dos atores nos níveis local, nacional, regional e internacional para a execução das formas de proteção e para o atendimento das necessidades dos refugiados ambientais no mundo. / \"Environmental refugees\" are non-conventional refugees and forced migrants, internally or internationally, temporarily or permanently, in a situation of vulnerability, and that are forced to leave their homes for environmental reasons, of slow or rapid onset, caused by natural or anthropogenic reasons, or a combination of both. Although there is no specific recognition and protection to these migrants under international law on a global scale, some regional legal instruments and national laws recognize and protect them. The main argument of this doctoral thesis is that \"environmental refugees\" are under general protection in certain areas of international law and that the current and future possibilities for specific protection can be found in the primary sources of international law, referred to in Article 38(1) of the Statute of the International Court of Justice. Seven protective pathways for \"environmental refugees\" were identified in international law and in domestic law: by means of (i) humanitarian action, (ii) complementary protection, (iii) national law, (iv) climate justice, (v) shared responsibility, (vi) judicialization of environmental asylum, and (vii) the international treaty. It is also suggested that a comprehensive global environmental migration governance be established, based on international regimes and by action of actors at local, national, regional and international levels, for the implementation of the forms of protection and to meet the needs of \"environmental refugees\" worldwide.

Submitted by Rosina Valeria Lanzellotti Mattiussi Teixeira (rosina.teixeira@unisantos.br) on 2017-11-23T18:57:32Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Douglas Predo Mateus.pdf: 3019078 bytes, checksum: 3e18430412551aedef2e331679240d61 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-11-23T18:57:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Douglas Predo Mateus.pdf: 3019078 bytes, checksum: 3e18430412551aedef2e331679240d61 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-08-24 / The work analyses local governments participations in the formulation of politics and actions referring to deserving habitation in according to international documents like, ¿Habitat Agenda¿ and ¿New Urban Agenda¿, came from Habitat Meeting. In the context of International Environment Law Program tries answer the question: ¿Can local governments do the environment international urban law?¿ From a study developped in Santos, SP between 1993 e 1996, triess to discuss how this participation occurs, if objectifying adapt to international documents, or looking for international problems solutions, to this uses hypotheic-deductive methodology and organizes into four chapters, which includes international documents that established and discuss deserving habitation, historic contexto and the national legislation that cares this question, the participation of the State and the Market, the Global Environment Governance and the study about Santos Municipality. This work proposes to use ¿Habitat Agenda¿ how a methodology of insert the State participation to warrant citizenship, rights to habitation, to the city, democratization and descentralization of State. / O trabalho analisa a participação dos governos locais na formulação de políticas e ações referentes ao direito à moradia digna nos moldes preconizados pelos documentos internacionais, como a ¿Agenda Habitat¿ e a ¿Nova Agenda Urbana¿, produzidos no âmbito das Conferências Habitat. No contexto do Programa de Direito Ambiental Internacional procura responder a pergunta ¿Podem os Governos locais construírem o direito ambiental internacional urbano?¿ A partir do estudo de um programa desenvolvido em Santos, SP entre 1993 e 1996, procura discutir como se dá essa participação, se com a finalidade de se adequar aos documentos internacionais ou indiretamente, visando resolver problemas internos, para tanto utiliza a metodologia hipotético-dedutiva e se organiza em 4 capítulos, que abordam os documentos internacionais que fundamentam e tratam da questão da moradia digna, o contexto histórico e a legislação nacional que enfrenta essa questão, o papel do Estado e do Mercado nessa discussão, a Governança Global Ambiental e o estudo do caso do Município de Santos. O trabalho propõe a adoção da Agenda Habitat como metodologia de implementação de participação do Estado para a garantia da cidadania, do direito a moradia, e à cidade, da democratização e descentralização do Estado.

The aim of this dissertation is to expand upon current understandings of the emergent global phenomenon that is private authority. Private authority is a process wherein private actors create, implement, and enforce rules aimed at managing global problems. As private authority is becoming increasingly important in the conduct of global governance, broadening our understanding of it will serve the field of International Relations. In this dissertation I argue that private actors are not simply outgrowths of structures or certain material conditions, rather they are purposive actors strategically pursuing an agenda. As such, explaining private authority requires an examination of the constitutive elements that underlie this social phenomenon––to which I apply an innovative conceptual and analytical framework that combines social network theory with discourse analysis. I applied these tools to two cases taken from the environmental sector––forests and fisheries. I found that as a result of the development of a greater networked character to environmental politics, the actors that were best able to generate and wield private authority were those that were able to construct discursive nodal points around which other competing actors could converge––at the level of identity. The construction of nodal points placed these private actors in privileged positions in-between competing networks––making them network connectors. In this position they are able to facilitate the flow of power across networks and convert such into private authority, at a rate greater than that of their competitors. As related to the cases, I found that in forests and fisheries sectors it was the Forest Stewardship Council and Marine Stewardship Council that emerged as the most prominent and expansive private authorities. They did so as a result of their ability to construct a nodal point around their tailored definition of what sustainable development meant, and looked like in practice. This placed them in-between two powerful networks (the environmental NGO network and the industrial network), facilitating the flow of power between them, and leveraging such to expand their programs beyond that of competing programs. Thus, social position plays a crucial role in determining the success of private authority programs.

二十世紀末世界各國掀起了全球化的浪潮，人口的不斷的增加、國際貿易快速的成長以及跨國公司的迅速擴張，固然帶來了生產效率的提高以及經濟的繁榮，但對社會同時也帶來了負面的影響：工會自由組織的權利受到挑戰，強迫勞動、就業歧視與童工的問題也更加嚴重，國與國之間的貧富差距也不斷擴大，全球有三分之一的勞動人口無法找到固定的工作，超過十億的人每日收入低於一美元。經濟貿易的發展如果無法促使勞動者獲得更好的工作條件及生活品質，那麼全球化所帶來的經濟繁榮也終將無法永續，正如《費城宣言》中所提及的「任一地的貧窮都會對繁榮造成威脅」。 　　國際勞工組織於1999年所提出之優質工作政策，即是在面對經濟全球化所帶來的社會不公正上，所持的策略作為，希望能透過優質工作政策所揭櫫的四大策略：勞動基本原則與權利、促進就業、社會保護及社會對話，以增進勞工得以在自由、公平、受保障且有尊嚴的工作環境中，獲得優質且具有生產效益的工作，進而落實社會正義之理念。 　　優質工作政策的提出至今已有十二年之久，透過國際勞工組織努力的宣導以及各種國際機構及組織的推廣，其政策之理念也逐漸普及於世界各地並獲得廣泛的共識。世界貿易組織、國際貨幣基金組織以及世界銀行三大全球經濟治理機構，在推動其政策上也開始納入優質工作之政策；國際工會組織、國際雇主團體以及公民社會和非政府組織，也鼓勵其會員國將政策理念推廣於各個國家，並且促進勞動基準及相關保護法規的建立；各國經濟貿易所簽署之協定中，也已逐步將勞動議題融入其協議中，亦透過企業社會責任促使政策得以落實於所有員工達到優質工作政策之目標。 　　探究優質工作政策，發現其核心理念、目標值得我國參考與學習，因此，本研究提出以下建議：（一）將優質工作理念落實於全國人民；（二）加強三方機制，促進社會對話；（三）規劃優質工作政策的衡量指標及監督機制，並且表揚政策成功落實典範；（四）貿易協定納入勞動相關條款；（五）從企業社會責任落實優質工作政策。 / Globalization brings lots of effects, it causes that populations increased, international trade and multi-national corporations expended quickly at the end of twenty centry. Though globalization brings productive efficiently and boomy economics, it also brings negative social effects: the challenge of the right of collective bargaining, forced labor, employment discrimination, and child labor. The poverty gap between contry and country enlarges countinually so that lots of people can not find a permanent job and over 1 billions of people earned less than 1 US dollar per day. If the development of the economic trade can not let all workers to acquire a better working condition, the boomy economics can not sustain which also mentioned in《Declaration of Philadelphia》: Poverty anywhere constitutes a danger to prosperity everywhere. International Labour Organization (ILO) introduced “Decent Work Agenda” in 1999 which is to resolve the social injustice brought from globalization. There are four strategies of decent work: rights at work, employment creation, social protection, and social dialogue. The primary purpose of Decent Work agenda is to promote opportunities for women and men to obtain decent and productive work, in conditions of freedom, equity, security and human dignity. ILO promotes the concept of Decent Work Agenda to global governance institutions. WTO, IMF and WB start to include labor issues within their policy or relevant programmes; ITUC, IOE, civil society, and NGOs enhance their membership to promote Decent Work Agenda to their countries. Besides, ILO wants all countries could lay down commitments on labor issues within the agreements during the activities of international trade, and all of the enterprises could practice the goal of Decent Work Agenda by corporate social responsibility (CSR). Therefore, this study makes the following recommendations: (a) promote Decent Work Agenda to all people; (b) enhance tripartite mechanism and social dialogue; (c) formulate the measurement index and monitor mechanism of Decent Work; (d) lay down commitments on labour matters within trade agreements; (e) boost CSR to realize the goal of Decent Work Agenda.