That authoritarian regimes adopt various strategies of societal control to secure their resilience has been widely explored in comparative politics. The scholarship has emphasized regimes’ reliance upon tactics as diverse as cooptation, economic and social policy reforms, and multiparty elections. Yet, existing comparative studies have predominantly focused on formal institutions, largely ignoring authoritarian states’ resort to informal rules as effective governance and regime preservation strategies. Local governments in China have tolerated underground Protestant churches, and in doing so, they have failed to enforce the central government’s policy of religious cooptation. This dissertation explores the reasons underlying local government tolerance of underground churches. I argue that accommodative informal institutions emerge out of a bargaining process involving agents (state and society) with a mutually compatible set of interests. Both parties need to reduce uncertainty about the other’s political intentions, and for that reason, they are likely to choose to cooperate strategically with one another. On the one hand, local officials view policies of religious cooptation as ineffective to curb the expansion of underground religion, and as increasingly risky to enforce in a context where an extensive use of coercion could be subject to severe professional sanctions. On the other hand, underground pastors seek to maximize their autonomy under authoritarian constraints; to that extent, they have used informal compliance as a strategy to earn local government acceptance. Compliance manifests itself in four ways: openness to dialogue with local authorities, the proactive sharing of sensitive information about church affairs, gift-giving and -receiving, and the maintenance of a low profile in terms of church size and rhetoric. Strategic cooperation brings benefits to both parties. It provides local public security officials’ with a stable source of intelligence about the underground space, which is key to ensuring an effective management of religious affairs. Moreover, it allows underground churches to remain autonomous from the state and decreases risks that they face coercion. Yet, inasmuch as informal arrangements are self-enforcing and rule-bound, they ultimately serve regime interests by increasing the costs of political mobilization for the compliant clergy, and by accentuating divisions between the latter and politicized pastors.

That authoritarian regimes adopt various strategies of societal control to secure their resilience has been widely explored in comparative politics. The scholarship has emphasized regimes’ reliance upon tactics as diverse as cooptation, economic and social policy reforms, and multiparty elections. Yet, existing comparative studies have predominantly focused on formal institutions, largely ignoring authoritarian states’ resort to informal rules as effective governance and regime preservation strategies. Local governments in China have tolerated underground Protestant churches, and in doing so, they have failed to enforce the central government’s policy of religious cooptation. This dissertation explores the reasons underlying local government tolerance of underground churches. I argue that accommodative informal institutions emerge out of a bargaining process involving agents (state and society) with a mutually compatible set of interests. Both parties need to reduce uncertainty about the other’s political intentions, and for that reason, they are likely to choose to cooperate strategically with one another. On the one hand, local officials view policies of religious cooptation as ineffective to curb the expansion of underground religion, and as increasingly risky to enforce in a context where an extensive use of coercion could be subject to severe professional sanctions. On the other hand, underground pastors seek to maximize their autonomy under authoritarian constraints; to that extent, they have used informal compliance as a strategy to earn local government acceptance. Compliance manifests itself in four ways: openness to dialogue with local authorities, the proactive sharing of sensitive information about church affairs, gift-giving and -receiving, and the maintenance of a low profile in terms of church size and rhetoric. Strategic cooperation brings benefits to both parties. It provides local public security officials’ with a stable source of intelligence about the underground space, which is key to ensuring an effective management of religious affairs. Moreover, it allows underground churches to remain autonomous from the state and decreases risks that they face coercion. Yet, inasmuch as informal arrangements are self-enforcing and rule-bound, they ultimately serve regime interests by increasing the costs of political mobilization for the compliant clergy, and by accentuating divisions between the latter and politicized pastors.

No description available.

iv ABSTRACT PERCEPTIONS OF STUDENT REPRESENTATIVES ON THEIR PARTICIPATION IN DECISION MAKING IN HIGHER EDUCATION Sahin, Asu M.S., Department of Educational Sciences Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Hasan Simsek This study aims to investigate the perceptions of the student representatives in the student council at Bilkent University, in Turkey, as to how well the student council system in this university works in terms of enabling the participation of students in the decision making process of the university administration. A qualitative research design was used to collect data from the ten members of the student council at Bilkent University. Standardised open ended interview questions that were prepared by the researcher were used to collect data through face to face interviews, which were recorded and transcribed by the researcher. The data were analysed through content analysis technique and the results were presented descriptively. The results revealed that majority of the students are aware of the fact that the student council is necessary in order to enable the participation of the students in the decision making process. The council members generally think that the council has a meaningful involvement in the decisions made at the university only on student related issues. They think that they are not seen as one of the key decisions makers on issues related to other aspects of the university. v According to the results of the research, it is understood that there is a need to revise the system taking student opinions into account as well in a way that it represents the whole student body, the student council participates in the decisions made at all levels of the university, and on all issues concerning the university. Keywords: Participation in decision making, higher education, student governments, student councils. vi &Ouml / Z &Ouml / GRENC KONSEY &Uuml / YELERNN Y&Uuml / KSEK &Ouml / GRETMDE KARAR VERMEYE KATILIMLARI HAKKINDAK ALGILAMALARI Sahin, Asu Y&uuml / ksek Lisans, Egitim Bilimleri B&ouml / l&uuml / m&uuml / Tez Y&ouml / neticisi: Prof. Dr. Hasan Simsek Eyl&uuml / l 2005, 81 sayfa. Bu arastirmanin amaci, y&uuml / ksek &ouml / gretim kurumlarinda &ouml / grenci konseyi &uuml / yelerinin y&ouml / netim s&uuml / recinde alinan kararlara katilim a&ccedil / isindan &ouml / grenci konseyi sisteminin ne &ouml / l&ccedil / &uuml / de etkili olduguyla ilgili algilamalarini incelemektir. Arastirmada, Bilkent &Uuml / niversitesi &Ouml / grenci Konseyi&rsquo / nin on &uuml / yesi veri toplamak i&ccedil / in &ouml / rneklem olarak kullanilmistir. Veri toplamak i&ccedil / in arastirmaci tarafindan hazirlanan standart a&ccedil / ik u&ccedil / lu m&uuml / lakat sorulari kullanilmis ve y&uuml / z y&uuml / ze ger&ccedil / eklestirilip ses kaydi yapilan m&uuml / lakatlar daha sonra arastirmaci tarafindan desifre edilmistir. Elde edilen veriler i&ccedil / erik analizi teknigiyle analiz edilmis ve sonu&ccedil / lar betimleyici bir sekilde sunulmustur. Bulgular, &ouml / grenci konseyi &uuml / yelerinin &ccedil / ogunun konseyin varliginin &ouml / grencilerin karar verme asamalarina katilimlarini sagladigi i&ccedil / in gerekli oldugunun farkinda olduklarini g&ouml / stermistir. Konsey &uuml / yelerinin konseyin sadece &ouml / grencilerle ilgili konularda anlamli bir katilimlari oldugunu d&uuml / s&uuml / nd&uuml / kleri g&ouml / r&uuml / lm&uuml / st&uuml / r. Arastirmanin sonu&ccedil / larina g&ouml / re, sistemin &ouml / grenci g&ouml / r&uuml / slerine de yer vererek onlarin t&uuml / m kararlarda ve t&uuml / m karar verme basamaklarinda temsilini saglayacak sekilde yeniden d&uuml / zenlenmesine ihtiya&ccedil / oldugu anlasilmaktadir.

This thesis is an exploration of the extent to which Paul�s terminology of Inheritance [(...)] in Romans, and its associated imagery, logic and arguments, functioned to evoke socio-political expectations that were alternative to those which prevailed in contemporary Roman imperial discourse. There are two parts to this study. The first is to take seriously the context of Empire and the claims being made by the Roman Empire in the first century. In particular, what were some of the messages conveyed by the Roman Empire with regard to the structure and purpose, the hopes and expectations, of first-century society? The Christians in Rome were daily exposed to the images and message of Caesar and his successors and there is therefore a need to consider how Paul�s language of Inheritance would have sounded within this environment. Second, this study gives attention to the content of Paul�s use of the word "inheritance" as it occurs in Romans. In order to address this question, three interrelated ideas are explored. First, for Paul, what does the inheritance consist of? The traditional understanding is that the concept is an entirely spiritualised or transcendent reality. This study proposes a more this-worldly, geographical nature to the word. Second, there is the closely related question of the political nature of inheritance. If it is the case that the language of inheritance has to do with the renewal of the land, then who inherits this land? These two questions raise a third issue-how will the inheritance transpire? Paul�s inheritance language contributes to notions of lordship, authority and universal sovereignty for the people of God. Conceivably, the path to this dominion could mirror the hegemonic intentions of imperial Rome which envisages the triumph of one group of people (the strong) over another (the weak). Is this the case with Paul�s inheritance language, or does it somehow undermine all claims to power and control? There are five undisputed uses of [...] and its cognates in Romans-Rom 4:13, 14; Rom 8:17 (three times) and there is one textual variant in Rom 11:1 where the word [...] is used in place of [...]. This study finds that, to varying degrees in each of these texts, the inheritance concept is not only a direct confrontation to other claims to rule, it is also simultaneously a reversal of all other paths to lordship and rule. This study then considers the use of the concept in the two other undisputed Pauline letters where it occurs (Galatians and 1 Corinthians) and also in the disputed letter to the Colossians. The overriding impression is that there is nothing in Galatians, 1 Corinthians or Colossians which significantly challenges the this-worldly, political nature of the language of inheritance in Romans. In these epistles and in Romans Paul employs the language and politics of inheritance in order to subvert the message of Empire.

Dissertation (Ph. D.)--University of Akron, Dept. of Public Administration and Urban Studies, 2007. / "May, 2007." Title from electronic dissertation title page (viewed 05/02/2008) Advisor, Raymond W. Cox, III; Committee members, Ralph P. Hummel, Julia Beckett, Jesse F. Marquette, Jennifer Alexander; Department Chair, Sonia A. Alemagno; Dean of the College, Robert F. Levant; Dean of the Graduate School, George R. Newkome. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis(M.S.)--Auburn University, 2007. / Abstract. Vita. Includes bibliographic references.

Thesis (M.P.A.)--Kutztown University. / Source: Masters Abstracts International, Volume: 45-06, page: 2957. Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 62-64).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Sydney, 2002. / Title from title screen (viewed 15 April 2008). Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Discipline of Government and International Relations, School of Economics and Politics, Faculty of Economics and Business. Degree awarded 2002; thesis submitted 2001. Includes bibliographical references. Also available in print form.

Thesis (doctoral)--Universität, Augsburg, 2006. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 369-376).