Thesis (Ph. D. in Philosophy)--Vanderbilt University, Aug. 2007. / Title from title screen. Includes bibliographical references.

Esta dissertação aborda, de maneira analítico-descritiva, um fenômeno de crescente importância nas relações internacionais: a atuação diplomática dos governos não centrais, também conhecidos como entes subnacionais. Dentro do contexto da pós Guerra-Fria e do vigente processo de globalização, após a década de 1980, é analisado como os entes subnacionais de diversos países do mundo, além do Brasil, se comportam diante das novas demandas globais e face à seus interesses específicos. A partir da premissa teórica da interdependência complexa, o trabalho estuda o início e o desenvolvimento deste processo de atuação internacional dos entes subnacionais, fenômeno conhecido como paradiplomacia. A análise se estende ao plano internacional, em um primeiro momento, demonstrando, de maneira geral, a importância da paradiplomacia em diferentes países do mundo, com ênfase nos casos de maior relevância para o trabalho. Num segundo momento, estuda-se, em particular, a prática da paradiplomacia no Brasil, relatando suas concepções e seu desenvolvimento, bem como os principais casos brasileiros e seus resultados práticos. O trabalho conclui que a democratização dos Estados nacionais, o federalismo e os processo de integração regional são tendencialmente estimuladores da paradiplomacia dos governos não centrais. / This dissertation approaches in a descriptive way a new perspective in International Relations: the international action of non-central governments, or sub national actors. Inside an after-Cold-War context and the present globalization process, started in the 80’s, is analyzed as the sub national actors from different countries in the world, besides Brazil, behaved and as yet behave facing new global demands, observing the process also in the Nation-States which they belong to. From the theoretical premise of the complex interdependence, supported by the globalization tool, it is approached the beginning and the development of this international entailing process of the sub national beings, which is known as paradiplomacy. The analysis stretches out to the international plan in the first moment, demonstrating, in a wide range, the importance of the paradiplomacy in different countries of the world, exemplifying with cases of bigger relevance to this monography, and demonstrating the misdeeds and benefits of this practice. In a second moment, it is analyzed in particular the practice of the paradiplomacy in Brazil, mentioning its conception and development, in the same way as the global cases, and also mentioning, in a wide manner, the main Brazilian cases of paradiplomacy, just like its practical results.

Dissertation submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Master of Technology: Internal Auditing in the Faculty of Business and Management Sciences at the Cape Peninsula University of Technology / The aim of the study was to investigate the effectiveness of risk management systems within municipalities in the Overberg district of South Africa. The value of effective risk management systems in any organisation cannot be underestimated as it is responsible for appropriately identifying, assessing, and treating risks that may adversely influence the achievement of organisational objectives. The Overberg district municipalities were used as case studies to identify and evaluate the factors that could affect implementation of risk management systems at a local government level in a specific geographical area. The primary research question was what factors affect the effective implementation of risk management systems at the Overberg district municipalities. To answer this research question, sub-questions and research objectives were formulated to determine the relevant factors. The research employed descriptive statistics, as well as inferential analysis to analyse the data. Lack of sufficient funding for risk mitigation seemed to be the main factor that affects the implementation of risk management systems within the municipalities. In addition, the research highlighted the current gaps in the implementation of risk management processes. This made municipalities aware of the risks within their organisation and identified the benefits of implementing sound risk management initiatives. The contribution of the research will empower the Overberg district municipalities to manage their key organisational risks proactively. This will lead to sustainable local governments that will be able to continue to perform their primary functions effectively. From the results, it was evident that although the Overberg district municipalities had risk management systems in place, insufficient funding posed a challenge to effective risk mitigation. Municipal management should therefore allocate sufficient funding to ensure effective implementation of risk management systems.

The decentralization process in Peru results in the Peruvian state not being a purely unitarystate anymore, but a decentralized state. In addition to the national government, regionalgovernments with their own competencies have been installed. In recent years, regionalgovernments have passed legislation on the region´s symbols. The aim of this analysis isto analyse whether this legislation on regional symbols is constitutional or not. / Debido al proceso descentralizador, el Perú ya no se puede considerar un Estado unitarioen sentido estricto. El Estado peruano no solamente cuenta con un gobierno nacional,sino también con gobiernos regionales que tienen sus propias competencias. En los últimosaños, los gobiernos regionales han dictado normas sobre sus propios símbolosregionales. El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar si la normatividad regional del Perú sobresímbolos regionales es constitucional o no.

Esta dissertação aborda, de maneira analítico-descritiva, um fenômeno de crescente importância nas relações internacionais: a atuação diplomática dos governos não centrais, também conhecidos como entes subnacionais. Dentro do contexto da pós Guerra-Fria e do vigente processo de globalização, após a década de 1980, é analisado como os entes subnacionais de diversos países do mundo, além do Brasil, se comportam diante das novas demandas globais e face à seus interesses específicos. A partir da premissa teórica da interdependência complexa, o trabalho estuda o início e o desenvolvimento deste processo de atuação internacional dos entes subnacionais, fenômeno conhecido como paradiplomacia. A análise se estende ao plano internacional, em um primeiro momento, demonstrando, de maneira geral, a importância da paradiplomacia em diferentes países do mundo, com ênfase nos casos de maior relevância para o trabalho. Num segundo momento, estuda-se, em particular, a prática da paradiplomacia no Brasil, relatando suas concepções e seu desenvolvimento, bem como os principais casos brasileiros e seus resultados práticos. O trabalho conclui que a democratização dos Estados nacionais, o federalismo e os processo de integração regional são tendencialmente estimuladores da paradiplomacia dos governos não centrais. / This dissertation approaches in a descriptive way a new perspective in International Relations: the international action of non-central governments, or sub national actors. Inside an after-Cold-War context and the present globalization process, started in the 80’s, is analyzed as the sub national actors from different countries in the world, besides Brazil, behaved and as yet behave facing new global demands, observing the process also in the Nation-States which they belong to. From the theoretical premise of the complex interdependence, supported by the globalization tool, it is approached the beginning and the development of this international entailing process of the sub national beings, which is known as paradiplomacy. The analysis stretches out to the international plan in the first moment, demonstrating, in a wide range, the importance of the paradiplomacy in different countries of the world, exemplifying with cases of bigger relevance to this monography, and demonstrating the misdeeds and benefits of this practice. In a second moment, it is analyzed in particular the practice of the paradiplomacy in Brazil, mentioning its conception and development, in the same way as the global cases, and also mentioning, in a wide manner, the main Brazilian cases of paradiplomacy, just like its practical results.

Submitted by Alison Vanceto (alison-vanceto@hotmail.com) on 2017-02-16T16:58:29Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseKAF.pdf: 3218152 bytes, checksum: 65ca1016f137f68b8cfcd1cf71c84133 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ronildo Prado (ronisp@ufscar.br) on 2017-03-14T13:58:52Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseKAF.pdf: 3218152 bytes, checksum: 65ca1016f137f68b8cfcd1cf71c84133 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ronildo Prado (ronisp@ufscar.br) on 2017-03-14T13:59:04Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseKAF.pdf: 3218152 bytes, checksum: 65ca1016f137f68b8cfcd1cf71c84133 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-14T14:04:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseKAF.pdf: 3218152 bytes, checksum: 65ca1016f137f68b8cfcd1cf71c84133 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-10-31 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq) / This study aims to examine whether there was progress of leftist governments, specifically, the Lula government in Brazil (2003-2010), Chavez in Venezuela (1999-2013) and Bachelet in Chile (2006-2010) in the conformation a model of participatory democracy. The theoretical basis of the present research is the work of Macpherson (1977) "The Life and Times of Liberal Democracy" that comprises liberal democracy and participatory democracy as complementary terms, as the passage from one to another occurs through the composition, and not by denial. According to this theoretical approach, participatory democracy is understood as the improvement of liberal democracy, assuming an active and less unequal society, in which the citizen has opportunities to develop their skills and participate more and more of the decision process. Therefore, analysis will be performed compared from two dimensions: a) the correlation of political and economic forces in each country (with the opposition parties, business sectors, media and sectors of the church) and; b) the asymmetry of political resources (coming from the institutional legacies, the political system, the pacts and social support base). When comparing the three leftist governments from these two dimensions, we observe the configuration of a "government breaks" (Chavez government in Venezuela), a "moderate government" (Lula government in Brazil) and a "continuity of government" (first mandate Bachelet in Chile). The specific objective was to assess whether these differences between left governments affected in the process of implementation mechanisms for participation in their democracies. Thus, it appears - from three areas – 1) mechanisms of participation and inclusion, 2) favorable conditions for participation, and 3) citizen participation – that among the cases analyzed there is significant variation in the degree of implementation participatory mechanisms and how these governments have devised participation. The conclusions drawn from the data on participation showed that the "government of continuities" Bachelet remained closer to the "balance of democracy" in which popular sovereignty is restricted to the electoral arena as the "government breaks" Chavez approached more participatory democracy. However, the "moderate government" Lula positioned at an intermediate point between the two cases. / O presente estudo tem como objetivo analisar se houve avanços dos governos de esquerda, especificamente, os governos de Lula no Brasil (2003-2010), de Chávez na Venezuela (1999- 2013) e de Bachelet no Chile (2006-2010) na conformação de um modelo de democracia participativa. A base teórica da presente pesquisa é a obra de Macpherson (1977) “The Life and Times of Liberal Democracy” que compreende a democracia liberal e a democracia participativa como termos complementares à medida que a passagem de um para outro se dá através da composição, e não por negação. De acordo com esta perspectiva teórica, a democracia participativa é entendida como o aperfeiçoamento da democracia liberal, pressupondo uma sociedade ativa e menos desigual, em que o cidadão/cidadã tem oportunidades para desenvolver suas capacidades e participar cada vez mais do processo decisório. Para tanto, será realizada análise comparada a partir de duas dimensões: a) a correlação de forças políticas e econômicas existente em cada país (com a oposição partidária, setores empresariais, midiáticos e setores da igreja) e; b) a assimetria de recursos políticos (oriundos dos legados institucionais, do sistema político, dos pactos e da base de apoio social). Ao comparar os três governos de esquerda a partir destas duas dimensões, observamos a configuração de um “governo de rupturas” (governo Chávez na Venezuela), de um “governo moderado” (governo Lula no Brasil) e de um “governo de continuidades” (primeiro mandato de Bachelet no Chile). O objetivo específico foi avaliar se estas diferenças entre os governos de esquerda – quanto a correlação de forças e a assimetria de recursos políticos – impactaram no processo de implementação de mecanismos de participação nas respectivas democracias. Desta forma, apresenta-se a partir de três eixos – 1) mecanismos de participação e inclusão, 2) condições favoráveis à participação e 3) participação cidadã – que entre os casos analisados há significativa variação no grau de implementação de mecanismos participativos e na forma como esses governos conceberam a participação. As conclusões obtidas a partir dos dados sobre participação mostraram que o “governo de continuidades” de Bachelet se manteve mais próximo da “democracia de equilíbrio” em que a soberania popular está restrita à arena eleitoral enquanto o “governo de rupturas” de Chávez se aproximou mais da democracia participativa. Já o “governo moderado” de Lula se posicionou em um ponto intermediário entre os dois casos.

A educação de jovens e adultos é um campo de políticas, práticas e reflexões que está para além dos limites da escolarização, sentido estrito. É considerada como parte integrante da história da educação em nosso país, na verdade, um dos maiores problemas da educação e que envolve milhões de brasileiros. Este trabalho tem como foco programas, projetos e ações concebidos e implementados, nos últimos anos, pelos governos locais dos municípios que compõem o ABC Paulista, em parcerias com a sociedade civil. As políticas analisadas foram desenvolvidas pelas administrações municipais no período 1987-2003, quando foi possível ver o surgimento e a coexistência de duas gerações de políticas: a primeira baseada na idéia de um estado de bem estar social e a segunda, ancorada no princípio da participação social objetivando a ampliação das esferas públicas, local e regional. No conjunto das municipalidades do ABC, este estudo recaiu sobre Diadema, Santo André e Mauá. Foram realizadas entrevistas com gestores públicos, dirigentes sindicais, representantes de entidades parceiras, coordenadores, professores; grupos focais com alfabetizandos, sendo os dados analisados à luz de extensa documentação atos legais, estatísticas oficiais, produção das secretarias municipais de educação e centros de memória locais. O estudo sobre os MOVA(s) (Movimento de Alfabetização) locais e Regional evidenciou a concretização das lutas por direitos e pela garantia à participação social dos jovens e adultos, o estabelecimento de novos atores (individuais e coletivos) a ampliação e o fortalecimento da esfera pública. / The young and adult education is a field of public policies, practices and reflections which are beyond the limits of schooling, in a strict sense. It is considered as an integrated part of the Brazils educational history. Actually, this is one of the biggest problems of education that involves millions of Brazilian people. This work focus on programs, projects and actions designed and implemented, in the last years, by the local governments of the cities from ABC Paulista, in partnership with the civil society. The analyzed public policies were developed by the municipal administrations from 1987 to 2003, when it was possible to see the appearance and the coexistence of two public policy generations: the first is based on the idea of a state of social welfare and the second is based on the principle of the social participation aiming at the expansion of the local and regional public spheres. Among the set of municipalities of the ABC, this study was made about Diadema, Santo André and Mauá. Interviews were conducted with public administrators, labor union leaders, representatives from partner agencies, coordinators, teachers and with focused groups in the process of literacy. This data was examined in the light of extensive documentation - legal acts, official statistics, production from the municipal secretariats of education and local memory centers. The study about the local and regional MOVA(s) (Literacy Movement) evidenced the concretion of the fights for the rights and for the guarantee of the social participation of the young and adults, the establishment of new actors (individual and public) the expansion and the strengthening of the public sphere.

Esta dissertação aborda, de maneira analítico-descritiva, um fenômeno de crescente importância nas relações internacionais: a atuação diplomática dos governos não centrais, também conhecidos como entes subnacionais. Dentro do contexto da pós Guerra-Fria e do vigente processo de globalização, após a década de 1980, é analisado como os entes subnacionais de diversos países do mundo, além do Brasil, se comportam diante das novas demandas globais e face à seus interesses específicos. A partir da premissa teórica da interdependência complexa, o trabalho estuda o início e o desenvolvimento deste processo de atuação internacional dos entes subnacionais, fenômeno conhecido como paradiplomacia. A análise se estende ao plano internacional, em um primeiro momento, demonstrando, de maneira geral, a importância da paradiplomacia em diferentes países do mundo, com ênfase nos casos de maior relevância para o trabalho. Num segundo momento, estuda-se, em particular, a prática da paradiplomacia no Brasil, relatando suas concepções e seu desenvolvimento, bem como os principais casos brasileiros e seus resultados práticos. O trabalho conclui que a democratização dos Estados nacionais, o federalismo e os processo de integração regional são tendencialmente estimuladores da paradiplomacia dos governos não centrais. / This dissertation approaches in a descriptive way a new perspective in International Relations: the international action of non-central governments, or sub national actors. Inside an after-Cold-War context and the present globalization process, started in the 80’s, is analyzed as the sub national actors from different countries in the world, besides Brazil, behaved and as yet behave facing new global demands, observing the process also in the Nation-States which they belong to. From the theoretical premise of the complex interdependence, supported by the globalization tool, it is approached the beginning and the development of this international entailing process of the sub national beings, which is known as paradiplomacy. The analysis stretches out to the international plan in the first moment, demonstrating, in a wide range, the importance of the paradiplomacy in different countries of the world, exemplifying with cases of bigger relevance to this monography, and demonstrating the misdeeds and benefits of this practice. In a second moment, it is analyzed in particular the practice of the paradiplomacy in Brazil, mentioning its conception and development, in the same way as the global cases, and also mentioning, in a wide manner, the main Brazilian cases of paradiplomacy, just like its practical results.

Resilience engineering has been used in safety research and development within the aviation and nuclear domain for several years but within crisis management for municipal governments in Sweden it is not commonly applied. Therefore there is little to no knowledge about and competency in resilience engineering within the municipal governments in Sweden. The crisis management system in Sweden put almost all responsibility in an event of crisis on the municipal government in which municipal the crisis occurs. This puts a lot of pressure on relatively small and limited organizations and in an effort to relieve some pressure from these organizations resilience engineering can be used as a method to evaluate and further develop safer and more robust organizations which in turn creates a safer crisis management system in Sweden. To quickly spread the use of resilience engineering among municipal governments, or even a limited amount of it, in an easy way this study attempted to create a self-assessment tool for the municipal governments. The self-assessment tool was developed with the RAG in mind and also drawing inspiration from the NASA TLX. The self-assessment tool was created as a survey and went through a two-stage pilot test before being used. In an attempt to validate the self-assessment survey a traditional RAG was conducted in the form of an interview study. The study used an in between group design, were one group were given the self-assessment survey and another group was interviewed in a semi-structured manner. The data collected were evaluated and compared. The results of this study indicated that with further development the self-assessment survey could be used for practical purposes and the greatest contribution of this study is a new method for measuring resilience using self-assessment.

This diploma thesis presents a model of minority governments. In the theoretical part is the analysis of the political parties in parliament. Then there is a comparation of selected European countries in terms of how the governments are formated. The main part is given to the countries in which the minority governments are very frequent. In conclusion is mentioned the experience with minority governments in the Czech Republic.