Este estudo pretende analisar qual a relação entre os recursos gerenciais estratégicos do setor público e o desempenho dos estados brasileiros. Para tanto, assume-se que a estratégia é um dos fatores que influenciam a performance financeira e socioeconômica das unidades federativas estatais, e que a modernização da administração pública ocorrida em duas fases, estabelece uma busca pela eficiência apoiada no modelo da Nova Gestão Pública (NGP), que se utiliza desses recursos gerenciais. A pesquisa tem como fundamentação teórica a Visão Baseada em Recursos (VBR), que emprega conceitos de competitividade e desempenho no setor público para analisar os seus recursos gerenciais estratégicos como fonte de vantagem competitiva e responsáveis pelo desempenho diferenciado entre as organizações. Trata-se de estudo empírico-analítico de uma amostra de 20 estados brasileiros obtida mediante aplicação de questionário estruturado tipo survey aos Secretários de Estados das Secretarias de Administração, Planejamento, Fazenda, Receita, Educação, Saúde e Segurança dos 26 estados brasileiros. As variáveis referentes aos recursos gerenciais estratégicos foram extraídas do questionário enquanto as demais variáveis de desempenho foram obtidas da base de dados da Secretaria do Tesouro Nacional (STN), do Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística (IBGE) e do Banco Central do Brasil (BACEN). Por meio de métodos de análise multivariada de dependência (correlação canônica e análise de regressão) e de interdependência (análise de correspondência e de homogeneidade), constatou-se que quanto melhor a gestão dos sistema de informações, menor é o nível de endividamento do estado e maior sua liquidez financeira; quanto maior a visão orientada para o cidadão-usuário, maior é a despesa total per capita e o investimento em infraestrutura; os melhores indicadores orçamentários, econômicofinanceiros e de desenvolvimento social estão associados aos Estados que possuem uma boa avaliação da cultura organizacional gerencial, da visão orientada para o cidadão, do capital humano e da gestão dos sistemas de informações. / This research aims to analyze the relationship between public strategic managerial resources and Brazilian states development. Therefore, it is assumed that: (1) the strategy is one of the factors that influence the financial and socio-economic performance of federal unit; and (2) the public administration reform uses these managerial resources. The Resource Based View (RBV) is the research theoretical base. Competitiveness and performance concepts are used to analyze public strategic managerial resources as a source of competitive advantage and as responsible for the different performances among organizations. It is an empirical and analytical study of 20 Brazilian states. This sample was obtained by applying a survey to the administration, planning, finance, income, education, health and safety departments. The variables relating to strategic managerial resources have been extracted from the questionnaire while the other performance variables were obtained from the database of the National Treasury Secretariat (STN), the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE) and the Central Bank of Brazil (BACEN ). By multivariate analysis of dependence (canonical correlation and regression analyzes) and interdependence (correspondence and homogeneity analysis), this study revealed that: (1) the best information system management is related with the lower the level of debts and the higher level of financial liquidity, (2) the higher citizen-oriented view is linked with the higher the per capita total expenditure and the higher expenditure on infrastructure, (3) the higher level of the budgetary, financial, economic and social performances is associated with states that have a good evaluation on organizational culture, citizen-oriented view, human capital and information system management.

A despeito da crescente literatura sobre a atuação internacional dos governos locais, permanece a percepção de que faltam perspectivas teóricas e empíricas que abordem os fatores que influenciam na formação das estruturas e estratégias internacionais na gestão pública local. Tendo em vista tais carências, a presente tese tem por objetivos apresentar (i) uma discussão teórica e conceitual sobre o tema, propondo a utilização do termo \"relações externas subnacionais\" como conceito mais adequado à descrição do fenômeno em estudo; (ii) um instrumento de análise que relaciona os principais fatores impulsionadores das relações externas subnacionais propostos por Kuznetsov (2015) aos três níveis da paradiplomacia propostos por Lecours (2008) - econômico, político e de cooperação; e (iii) uma análise comparativa dos casos de São Paulo e Toronto, explorando os respectivos processos de institucionalização das relações externas destas duas cidades. Analisando-se o processo de institucionalização das relações externas na gestão local das duas cidades, verificou-se a existência de três principais aspectos que influenciaram tal processo: (i) o contexto econômico, político e social de cada cidade; (ii) a relação entre o tipo de federalismo existente no Brasil e Canadá e o estabelecimento de relações externas no nível local; e (iii) o perfil de atuação do gestor público local. / Despite a growing literature on the subject of the international insertion of local governments, there is still a lack of theoretical and empirical perspectives that appropriately approach the several factors that influence the formation of the structures that deal with the international strategies within local public management. Due to this shortage, this thesis is focused on offering (i) a conceptual and theoretical discussion on the subject, proposing the adoption of the term \"subnational foreign relations\" as a more adequate concept to describe the phenomenon in analysis; (ii) an analytical framework that connect the main causes for boosting subnational foreign relations, according to Kuznetsov (2015) to the three layers of paradiplomacy according to Lecours (2008) - economic, cooperation and political; and (iii) a comparative analysis between the cases of São Paulo and Toronto, exploring the processes of institutionalization of foreign relations in the public management of both cities. By describing and analyzing these processes, this thesis encountered the existence of three main causes for a deepening institutionalization of the foreign relations in the local public apparatus on both cities: (i) the economic, political and social context of each city; (ii) the relationship between the type of federalism of Brazil and Canada and the establishment of foreign relations in the local level; and (iii) the performance profile the mayor.

Submitted by Elesbão Santiago Neto (neto10uepb@cche.uepb.edu.br) on 2016-09-12T18:49:10Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - João Ricardo Pessoa Xavier de Siqueira.pdf: 8301901 bytes, checksum: 9eb463c2bcaf20c5be4bfaa1b894ca5b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-12T18:49:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - João Ricardo Pessoa Xavier de Siqueira.pdf: 8301901 bytes, checksum: 9eb463c2bcaf20c5be4bfaa1b894ca5b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-11-30 / CAPES / The contemporary international scenario, outlined by the paradigm of globalization, is characterized by the admission of new players that can articulate themselves in an interdependent manner. Inserted in the wide range which consists the group of these new players, are subnational governments and their international articulation models that characterize the phenomenon of paradiplomacy. Among the objectives that guided the research, we tried to approach the paradiplomatic phenomenon as a result of changes in the prevailing world order, characterizing it as an effect of the subnational actors‟ behavior in face to the new governance standards. Furthermore, paradiplomacy was framed up as a viable institute for the development of the Brazilian federation‟s constituent units. Therefore, the work was based on a case study with descriptive-analytical character that had as objects of observation the state of Pernambuco and the city of Recife, with their respective models of international insertion and articulation. We took as guiding theoretical referential the literature already produced in the area consisting primarily on the studies by Soldatos, Paquin, Lecours and Prieto. In the present study it was possible to set up the analysis on the efficacy of paradiplomatic activity on two levels: state and municipal through paradiplomacy performed by the two subnational governments already mentioned via autonomous agencies. / O cenário internacional contemporâneo, delineado pelo paradigma da globalização, caracteriza-se pela admissão de novos atores que se articulam de maneira interdependente. Inseridos na ampla gama que constitui o grupo desses novos agentes, encontram-se os governos subnacionais e os modelos de articulação internacional que caracterizam o fenômeno da paradiplomacia. Dentre os objetivos norteadores da pesquisa, buscou-se a abordagem do fenômeno paradiplomático como resultado das transformações na ordem mundial vigente, caracterizando-o como efeito do comportamento de atores subnacionais frente aos novos padrões de governança. Além disso, enquadramos a paradiplomacia como um instituto viável ao desenvolvimento das unidades constituintes da federação brasileira. Para tanto, o trabalho valeu-se de um estudo de caso de caráter descritivo-analítico que teve como objetos de observação o estado de Pernambuco e a cidade do Recife, com seus respectivos modelos de inserção e articulação internacional. Tomou-se como referencial teórico norteador a bibliografia já produzida na área, constituída principalmente pelos estudos de Soldatos, Paquin, Lecours e Prieto. Pelo presente estudo foi possível estabelecer a análise da eficácia da atuação paradiplomática em dois níveis: estadual e municipal, através da paradiplomacia desempenhada pelos dois governos subnacionais supracitados via órgãos autonomamente considerados.

This two-part study was conducted as part of a larger project exploring leadership, organizational processes, and performance in local governments. In Study 1, we conducted interviews with exemplary leaders in local governments across a medium sized southeastern state. Results of these interviews suggested leadership and organizational processes consistent with organizational mindfulness. In Study 2, we created a survey instrument based on existing work in organizational mindfulness. Responses from 96 local governments provided evidence suggesting that organizational mindfulness is related to self reports of organizational performance. We end with a discussion of these results, study limitations, and opportunities for future research.

Background: From the beginning of the 60´s until the beginning of the 80´s the swedish local government has expand enourmously. The expansion didn´t lead to any discussions about how the local government should be controlled or organized. The local government should instead be organized and controlled as administrations. Lately it has became more usual to have these discussions about how local government should be controlled and organized. Nowadys it´s not unusual that local governments imitate private companies. Purpose: The purpose of this thesis is to analyze how local governments have had the possibility to use Balanced Scorecard. Limitations: We have only analyzed how local governments have had the opportunity to use Kaplan&Nortons original model about Balanced Scorecard. Method: We have performed a case study, where we have carried out eight interviews with a total of ten respondents from four local governments and Svenska Kommunförbundet. We have also used internal documents, Internet and already written literature concerning Balanced Scorecard. We have also used local governments respective private companies characteristics. Results: Local governments characteristics result in that the original model about Balanced Scorecard, can´t be used in local governments as it is performed by Kaplan&Norton. It´s still possible to use the basic idea of the model, but it has to be adapted to local governments conditions.

The main objective of this dissertation is to seek answers to three questions: 1) Why did it take so much longer for women than men to win the vote? 2) Why did it take women so long to be elected in any numbers to national legislatures?, and 3) What has been the political significance of women's entry into national legislatures? The answers are sought by examining an aspect of the development of parties ignored by most political scientists, namely the relationship between women's suffrage, party politics and patriarchal power. An empirical study on Iceland is used to examine this aspect in detail. In the period 1908- 1926, women in Iceland ran separate lists at local and national elections. The fate of the women's lists in Reykjavik is explored and so are the policies of women councillors. Iceland was not the only country to see the emergence of separate women's political organizations that ran candidates at elections. The outcome was nowhere as successful as in Iceland. Through the rise, and decline, of the women's lists and women's policies in Reykjavik, the factors that allowed women to carry out their own maternalistic politics within a male-run system are illuminated. The dissertation draws on numerous theories and postulations within political science. It also challenges many of them. Theda Skocpol's structured policy approach proves highly useful in examining the larger political environment and factors that stimulated or hindered women's politics and policies in Reykjavik. The approach does not, however, account for male power as a force on its own. The structured policy approach is challenged by providing another important factor, the role of individuals and their ideas as a political force. The conclusion is that patriarchal theories are needed within political science, and it is suggested that political parties, their origin and working methods, provide excellent starting points from which to examine male power, or patriarchy, as a political force of its own. / digitalisering@umu

This dissertation is an empirical study of the political benefits of decentralization. It examines the effects of decentralization on citizens’ evaluations of the political system. Despite the large number of empirical studies on the costs and benefits of decentralization, most studies focus on economic benefits (typically in terms of fiscal efficiency) and pay little attention to potential political benefits. This dissertation seeks to fill these gaps by explicitly modeling the role decentralization plays in shaping citizens’ attitudes toward a political system. Drawing on work in political behavior and decentralization, a theoretical framework is developed to explain the manner in which citizens’ attitudes are shaped by election outcomes and their post-electoral win-loss status in multi-tier government. This dissertation not only offers a general argument with which to understand how a decentralized political structure may lead to greater stability in a democratic regime, but also offers guidance to policymakers on whether decentralization should be pursued as an option for institutional reform.

Fiscal stress is an important and recurring problem that states face. Research to date on state fiscal stress involves, predominantly, cross-sectional and case study analyses and does not address the effectiveness of state responses. Many of these studies use different definitions and measures of fiscal stress compounding the difficulty of comparing fiscal stress findings. The present research effort adds to the fiscal stress literature by (1) clarifying the meaning of fiscal stress in the state context, (2) developing a measure of fiscal stress that operationalizes this meaning and is comparable across units, and 3) using this measure analyzes patterns in and the effectiveness of state responses. Fiscal stress is measured using four indexes: budget, cash, long-run, service-level. Eleven financial indicators, calculated using data from state Comprehensive Annual Financial Reports (CAFRs), are used to create these indexes for all fifty states for the years 2002-2009. Descriptive analysis compares state fiscal stress levels (grouped into low, moderate, and high fiscal stress by cluster analysis) to state economic growth rates, state responses, and institutional factors yielding several findings. First, states do not use an incremental or punctuated equilibrium strategy in responding to fiscal stress; nor do their responses follow the pattern predicted by Cutback Management theory. Second, institutional factors affect both the levels of fiscal stress and state responses to fiscal stress. Regression analysis supports and extends these findings. First, short-term responses of expenditure cuts, tax increases, and rainy day fund use do not affect state fiscal stress levels. Second, these responses have long-term effects on fiscal stress levels. A major implication of this research is that there is very little states can do in the short-term to reduce fiscal stress. However, by balancing expenditures and revenues states can set themselves up to weather the next economic downturn with lower levels of fiscal stress.

When analyzed within Marxist theory understandings, local governments can be considered as a body of administrative, political, social and economic relations which are defined in a certain spatial scale based on uneven development of capital accumulation. This definition removes the local governments from the context of a simple organizational-administrative problem and places them into a political context. Hence, as experience and strategies of socialist customs in our country is investigated regarding local governments, it can be observed that a serious experience is not present excepts certain limited examples. In this study, different from municipalism understanding constrained within today&rsquo / s neoliberal marketism and Islamist conservatism, possibilities of socialist municipalism will be discussed. In this context, &ldquo / socialist municipalism&rdquo / claim, which is trying to be actualized in Hozat Municipality, which is the study area of this thesis, will be analyzed depending on statement and application relation of the municipal administration, with observations made in the area and interviews.

Fiscal stress is an important and recurring problem that states face. Research to date on state fiscal stress involves, predominantly, cross-sectional and case study analyses and does not address the effectiveness of state responses. Many of these studies use different definitions and measures of fiscal stress compounding the difficulty of comparing fiscal stress findings. The present research effort adds to the fiscal stress literature by (1) clarifying the meaning of fiscal stress in the state context, (2) developing a measure of fiscal stress that operationalizes this meaning and is comparable across units, and 3) using this measure analyzes patterns in and the effectiveness of state responses. Fiscal stress is measured using four indexes: budget, cash, long-run, service-level. Eleven financial indicators, calculated using data from state Comprehensive Annual Financial Reports (CAFRs), are used to create these indexes for all fifty states for the years 2002-2009. Descriptive analysis compares state fiscal stress levels (grouped into low, moderate, and high fiscal stress by cluster analysis) to state economic growth rates, state responses, and institutional factors yielding several findings. First, states do not use an incremental or punctuated equilibrium strategy in responding to fiscal stress; nor do their responses follow the pattern predicted by Cutback Management theory. Second, institutional factors affect both the levels of fiscal stress and state responses to fiscal stress. Regression analysis supports and extends these findings. First, short-term responses of expenditure cuts, tax increases, and rainy day fund use do not affect state fiscal stress levels. Second, these responses have long-term effects on fiscal stress levels. A major implication of this research is that there is very little states can do in the short-term to reduce fiscal stress. However, by balancing expenditures and revenues states can set themselves up to weather the next economic downturn with lower levels of fiscal stress.