Thesis (MPA (School of Public Management and Planning))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / m-Government or mobile-Government is seen as part of e-Government and an additional channel for the delivery of public services and information to the citizen. This study critically examines and evaluates the extent to which the Provincial Government Western Cape has adopted m-Government and implemented related services. A survey conducted by Kirsten (2006) on the adoption and readiness of mobile technology by businesses in South Africa was used as the foundation of this study to determine the level of readiness in the Provincial Government Western Cape. Managers and technical staff within the Province’s information and communication technology component, the Centre for e-Innovation, were interviewed and asked to complete the survey. The study found that, although there is a relatively high degree of adoption with regard to various aspects of mobile and wireless technology, there are many obstacles and barriers that need to be overcome in order to achieve a higher level of m-Government maturity or readiness. The study makes various suggestions on how to overcome these barriers. The most important suggestion is to develop a holistic approach to the adoption of m-Government. Plans for adoption should be incremental to ensure that small victories that can be built on are achieved; the involvement of key stakeholders is also essential.

Le mouvement accru de rationalisation des dépenses publiques conduit les acteurs publics français et notamment les collectivités territoriales à faire de nombreux choix et arbitrages parmi les initiatives menées en-dehors du champ traditionnel de leurs compétences obligatoires. « Que faire de l'Action Internationale ? » est au centre des débats, alors que la demande sociale est toujours plus conséquente sur les territoires français. Comment comprendre qu'en parallèle des efforts de plus en plus importants demandés aux citoyens, on dépense de l'argent public ailleurs? En période de crise, certaines politiques publiques sont remises en question et peuvent paraître superflues. Au premier regard, l'action internationale est de celles-ci. Ce travail vise à répondre à la question suivante : pourquoi les collectivités territoriales coopèrent-elles à l'échelle internationale ?Les actions internationales des collectivités territoriales relèvent historiquement d'une démarche de solidarité internationale. La perception de la coopération décentralisée comme outil d'aide au développement dans les pays partenaires est, encore aujourd'hui, une réalité constamment rappelée dans les discours des élus locaux, des associations partenaires, et de l'Etat. Aussi, la coopération décentralisée ne révolutionne-t-elle pas les objectifs généraux de l'Aide Publique au Développement, dans la mesure où elle constitue davantage un changement d'échelle qu'un changement de modèle. Pourtant, ces dernières années, apparaissent des visions plus « stratégiques » de l'AICT, qui a connu des évolutions en termes notamment de diversification géographiques et thématiques. On voit ainsi se développer de plus en plus d‘actions internationales à caractère économique ou visant le rayonnement des territoires et leurs positionnement sur la scène internationale.En 2013, l'Action Internationale des Collectivités Territoriales se situe donc, selon les contextes, quelque part entre l'aide et une véritable co-opération. La nécessaire synthèse entre les attentes émises par les collectivités territoriales étrangères et l'intérêt local pour les territoires français oblige alors à questionner les aspects fondamentaux que sont le partenariat et la marge de négociation des deux parties. La réciprocité peut-elle exister ? Est-il possible de penser l'Action internationale comme un outil de résolution des problématiques locales ? De quelle(s) manière les expériences des collectivités territoriales partenaires peuvent elles représenter des sources d'inspiration et d'innovation utiles au développement des territoires français ? Ces différentes questions nous amèneront à interroger la place de l'Action internationale au sein des politiques publiques locales : une compétence à part entière ou un mode d'exercice et d'amélioration des compétences « traditionnelles » ? / Increasing cuts of local expenses lead French public authorities make decisions and choices between public policies which do not look priority. In times of economic crisis, some policies may look useless and can be questioned. Should local governments maintain international action whereas social demand is deeply increasing on French territories? Is it still justifiable to keep on spending public money abroad?Local government's international actions (LGIA) are historically based on an international solidarity practice. Decentralized cooperation does not seem to really “revolutionize” Development Public Aid: the scale has changed, not the model. Nevertheless, these last years, LGIA knew real deep geographical and thematic evolutions. Strategic visions are emerging. Economic cooperation, international forecasts…local government's international action became a way for territories to position on international scene.In 2013, Local Government's International Action is located, depending on the contexts, somewhere between aid and real cooperation. Which synthesis can be made between foreign partners' wishes and local interest? Partnership and negotiations between the two parties are key-notions. How to evaluate relationships between territories? Does reciprocity really exists? Can LGIA be part of territorial projects and seen as a strategic way to work on French territorial stakes? How can local governments improve their own practices by inspiring from foreign experiences? Is LGIA a fully local public policy or a transversal operating mode?

Nosso estudo se propõe a analisar de maneira sistemática e crítica o pensamento do economista, professor universitário e homem público Antônio Delfim Netto e entrelaçar seu pensamento e sua atuação política com a conjuntura político-econômica dos anos 1960 no Brasil. A pesquisa se inicia pela análise dos elementos essenciais que possibilitaram a industrialização brasileira em suas diferentes fases, do século XIX à década de 1960, e de alguns dos principais expoentes do debate sobre o desenvolvimento brasileiro entre as décadas de 1930 e 1960, de modo a fornecer um panorama dos dilemas que se apresentavam à economia brasileira. Passamos, então, à análise do pensamento de Delfim Netto em sua lógica interna, buscando extrair os elementos fundamentais de sua produção intelectual até a década de 1980. Esse exame revela que as principais categorias da produção de Delfim Netto são o desenvolvimento e o planejamento, vitais para sua concepção do subdesenvolvimento. Este se identificaria com insuficiências na esfera da acumulação, o que leva Delfim a considerar que a sociedade brasileira deveria realizar um esforço consciente no sentido da maximização das taxas de acumulação e de canalização de mais recursos ao processo produtivo através do sistema tributário e, quando necessário, da coação política. O planejamento teria o papel de prever e superar os obstáculos ao longo do processo de desenvolvimento antes que eles se tornassem fatores impeditivos do crescimento. A política é a variável interveniente que dá sentido aos modelos de Delfim. Por fim, à luz dos processos históricos e em função do arsenal teórico de Delfim Netto, analisamos sua ascensão a instâncias políticas determinantes durante a ditadura militar brasileira (1964-85), quando teve a oportunidade única de colocar suas reflexões em prática. A suspensão da esfera política, sacramentada pelo Ato Institucional nº 5 (AI-5), possibilitou a negociação direta entre os planejadores e os atores considerados relevantes para o desenvolvimento. Nos anos em que Delfim foi ministro da Fazenda, a economia brasileira cresceu com inflação declinante e equilíbrio externo através da redistribuição da renda de baixo para cima, da expansão dos empréstimos a estratos qualificados dos assalariados para o consumo de bens duráveis e da entrada maciça de recursos externos, processo que ficou conhecido como milagre econômico brasileiro (1968-73). Crescimento econômico acelerado, interdição do debate público, repressão e consenso político nas cúpulas de poder convergiram de forma marcante. O pensamento econômico de Delfim Netto conferiu substância a esse projeto nacional. / Our study aims to systematically and critically analyze Antônio Delfim Nettos thought, an Economist, Professor and public figure, and interweave his thought and political action with the political and economic context in Brazil in the 1960\'s. This investigation starts by the analysis of essential elements that made the Brazilian industrialization possible in its different phases, from the 19th century to the 1960\'s, as well as some of the most important exponents of the ideological debate regarding the Brazilian development between the 1930\'s and the 1960\'s. We then examine Delfim Netto\'s thought in its internal logic, aiming to retrieve the fundamental elements of his intellectual production up to the 1980\'s. This exam reveals that the main categories of Delfim Netto\'s intellectual production are development and planning, which are vital to his interpretation of underdevelopment. He conceives that underdevelopment arises from insufficiencies in the field of capital accumulation, which leads to his key view that the Brazilian society would have to carry out a conscious effort to maximize the profit rates and direct more resources to the production process through the tax system, and political coercion when necessary. Planning has the role of foreseeing and overcoming the most important obstacles in the economy before they become a blocking factor to the development, whilst politics is an intervening variable that gives meaning to Delfim Nettos mathematical models. Considering the historical processes and Delfim Nettos theoretical constructions, we analyze his ascension to determining political institutions during the Brazilian military dictatorship (1964-85), when he had the unique opportunity of putting his interpretations into practice. The suspension of the political arena, which was accomplished through the Institutional Act n. 5 (AI-5), delivered the possibility of direct negotiation, without mediation, between the planners and the actors that were considered relevant to the Brazilian development. During Delfim Nettos office as a minister for the Economy and Finance (1967-74), the Brazilian economy grew along with declining inflation and external balance through income redistribution from the poorer to the richer, credit expansion to the qualified working force for the consumption of durable goods, and massive inflow of external funds. This process was thereafter named Brazilian economic miracle (1968-73). Fast economic growth, prohibition of the public debate, repression, and political consent among the political leaders converged remarkably. Delfim Nettos economic thought provided substance to this national program.

Esta dissertação tem como objeto de pesquisa o governo do governador e capitãogeneral Bernardo José Maria Lorena e Silveira (Bernardo José de Lorena) a frente da capitania de São Paulo entre 1788 e 1797, principalmente em seu aspecto político e econômico. O governo de Bernardo José de Lorena se desenvolveu no contexto da Crise do Antigo Sistema Colonial, pautado, no caso de Portugal, pela política da Coroa em tentar aproveitar ao máximo as potencialidades da sua colônia. São Paulo, embora fosse uma capitania secundária, também não escapou das transformações do período e as ações levadas a cabo pelos administradores régios nos permitem vislumbrar o teor das ideias e interesses postos em jogo. Quarto governador pós-restauração da capitania de São Paulo, Bernardo José de Lorena empreendeu várias obras de infra-estrutura na Cidade de São Paulo, edificou o caminho de acesso do planalto paulista ao litoral e ao porto de Santos, incrementou a agricultura destinada à exportação, arquitetou a vinda de embarcações para a Capitania e desta para Portugal, dentro outros feitos. Sua governança, em linhas gerais se adequou ao que podemos chamar de Novo Padrão de Colonização. / This dissertation objective the resserch on the administration of Governor and Captain General Bernardo José Maria Lorena e Silveira (Bernardo José de Lorena) in charge of the captaincy of São Paulo between 1788 and 1797, especially in its political and economic aspects. The government of José Bernardo de Lorena was developed in the context of the Crisis of the Old Colonial System, ruled, in the case of Portugal, by the Crown policy of trying to exploit the full potential of their colony. São Paulo, though a secondary captaincy, has not escaped the transformations of the period and the actions undertaken by the royal administration allow us to glimpse the content of ideas and interests at stake. Fourth governor after restoration of the captaincy of São Paulo, José Bernardo de Lorena undertook various infrainstructural works in the City of São Paulo, he built the way from the Sao Paulo plateau to the coast and the port of Santos, increased farming for export, masterminded the arrival of boats directy from Portugal for this to Captaincy and for Portugal directy from São Paulo, among other deeds. Its governance, in general, adapted itself to what we call New Pattern of Colonization.

As mudanças climáticas impõem um conjunto de desafios à sociedade contemporânea. Nesse sentido, esta dissertação trata das mudanças climáticas a partir da abordagem dos governos locais e, mais especificamente, da experiência da cidade de São Paulo. A política climática permitiu que o município paulistano exercesse um protagonismo no cenário nacional e regional, além de uma inserção internacional. A cidade promulgou em junho de 2009, antes do estado de São Paulo e da União, a lei que criou e institucionalizou sua política de mudança do clima. O recorte cronológico considerou os mandatos dos prefeitos Marta Suplicy (PT), de 2001 a 2004; José Serra (PSDB), de 2005 a 2006; Gilberto Kassab (PFL/DEM/PSD), de 2006 a 2012; e Fernando Haddad (PT), de 2013 a 2016. Esse período foi analisado a partir do referencial teórico da sociologia política, considerando especificamente a figura do mediador de políticas públicas e os instrumentos da ação pública. Em termos metodológicos foi realizada uma revisão bibliográfica não sistemática, pesquisas em legislações e periódicos da época e a aplicação de questionário semiestruturado em entrevistas com atores-chave. O questionamento central foi: o que permitiu que a cidade de São Paulo exercesse um protagonismo no campo das políticas públicas em mudanças climáticas no Brasil? A busca pela resposta a essa pergunta indicou que um conjunto de instrumentos da ação pública local começou a ser implementado pelo menos desde 2003 e, a partir do momento em que os valores das mudanças climáticas passaram a representar a principal referência das ações da Secretaria do Verde e Meio Ambiente (SVMA), uma série de ações intersetoriais ganharam força. Eduardo Jorge exerceu uma liderança importante nesse processo, sendo o Secretário de Meio Ambiente mais longevo. Entretanto, quando um novo governo assumiu o poder em São Paulo a partir de 2013, a política climática perdeu força e sofreu retrocessos. / The climate change imposes a set of challenges to the contemporary society. This dissertation considers the climate change from the local governments approach and, more specifically, the São Paulos city experience. The climate policy allowed the city to play a leading role at the national regional scenario, besides an international insertion. The city has promulgated in June 2009 the law that created and institutionalized its climate change policy, before the State of São Paulo and the Union. The period analyzed considered the mandates of mayors Marta Suplicy (PT) from 2001 to 2004, José Serra (PSDB) in 2005 and Gilberto Kassab (PFL/DEM/PSD) from 2006 to 2012, and Fernando Haddad (PT) from 2013 to 2016. This period was analyzed from the theoretical reference of the political sociology perspective, considering specifically the figure of the public policies mediator and public action instruments. The methodology adopted was based on non-systematic bibliographic review, researches in legislation and journals, and the application of semi structured questionnaire on interviews with key actors. What allowed the city of São Paulo to play a leading role in the field of public policies on climate change in Brazil? The quest for the answer to this question indicated that a set of local public action instruments have been in place since at least 2003 and, as climate change values have come to represent the main reference of SVMA actions, a series of intersetorial actions gained strength. Eduardo Jorge has an important leadership in this process, being the environmental secretary during the longer analyzed period. However, when the new São Paulos government takes place from 2013, climate change policy loses strength and has setbacks.

A atuação internacional subnacional, mais conhecida como paradiplomacia, é o desenvolvimento de ações internacionais de governos subnacionais. Não obstante, geram reações nos governos centrais de seus países, gerando relacionamentos que vão do conflito à cooperação entre os níveis governamentais. O caso brasileiro é marcado por duas políticas direcionadas ao fenômeno: (1) a diplomacia federativa, do governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002), considerada como de coordenação e controle; e a (2) cooperação internacional federativa, do governo Luís Inácio Lula da Silva, reconhecida como de coordenação e incentivo, sendo um ponto de mudança de relacionamento do governo central com o fenômeno. Essa mudança gerou os questionamentos centrais da presente pesquisa. O primeiro diz respeito ao mecanismo que teria causado as mudanças institucionais e no discurso entre os dois governos. O segundo é sobre os efeitos dessa mudança: é possível identificar alterações entre os governos subnacionais brasileiros entre os dois períodos? A partir disso, buscou-se identificar os mecanismos causais que resultaram na mudança com a utilização de process-tracing e modelos de regressão logística. Em um segundo momento, estabeleceu-se que as ações internacionais de interesse seriam aquelas de quem se espera maior desenvolvimento, com políticas definidas para a atuação internacional, com a consequente observação da política externa subnacional, representada pela presença de um órgão de relações internacionais nos governos estaduais. Para a identificação da mudança nos padrões dos estados que desenvolviam uma política externa, utiliza-se a Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) e modelos de regressão logística. Identificou-se que durante a diplomacia federativa não era possível identificar um padrão explicativo para indicar a presença de uma estrutura de relações internacionais nos governos estaduais, enquanto no período da cooperação internacional federativa foram encontrados padrões bem distintos que resultaram na presença de tais estruturas, com os modelos de regressão indicando as características com possíveis efeitos mais substantivos. / The subnational international activities, known as paradiplomacy, are the actions developed abroad by subnational governments. Notwithstanding, they generate reactions by their own central governments, creating relationships ranging from conflict to cooperation between levels of government. The Brazilian case is marked by two policies linked to the phenomenon: (1) the federative diplomacy of Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1994-2002), regarded as of coordination and control; and (2) the federative international cooperation of Luís Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010), recognized as of coordination and encouragement, which represent a turning point in central governments agenda, regarding the phenomenon. This change led to the key questions of the present research. The first concerns the mechanisms that would have caused the institutional and discourse changes between the two governments. The second is about the effects of this change: is it possible to identify changes between Brazilian subnational governments between the two periods? From this, it was sought to identify the causal mechanisms that resulted in the change with the use of process-tracing and logistic regression models. In a second stage, it was established that the international actions of interest would be those that are expected greater development, with defined policies for international activities and the consequent observation of subnational foreign policy, represented by the presence of an agency of international relations in the state governments. To identify the changes in patterns of the states that developed a foreign policy, it was used the Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) and logistic regression models. It was found that during the federative diplomacy period was not possible to identify an explanatory pattern to indicate the presence of a structure of international relations in state governments, while in the period of international federative cooperation they were found distinct patterns that resulted in the presence of such structures, with regression models indicating the features with more substantive potential effects.

Les mutations des échelles de responsabilité, ainsi que le rôle de l'immigration dans la production physique mais aussi symbolique de la ville, sont analysés à travers le prisme des politiques locales d'immigration et d'intégration mises en œuvre dans les villes israéliennes d'Acre, Arad, Kiryat Gat et Kiryat Shmona. La politique volontariste d'accueil des immigrés juifs en Israël, datant des années 1950, est mise à l'épreuve de la décentralisation. En réalité, seule une partie des autorités locales mettent en place des politiques locales d'immigration et d'intégration. L'enquête montre que ces villes moyennes font souvent le choix de former de façon proactive une politique locale afin de « choisir » les immigrés qui s'y installent d'une part ; et de développer de nouveaux canaux d'accès à des ressources publiques d'autre part. Dans ce contexte, la mise en place d'une politique d'immigration dans la ville engendre une situation d'interdépendance entre des acteurs situées à des échelles de pouvoir différentes. Avec l'éclatement des responsabilités, les acteurs sont mis en concurrence pour obtenir les ressources publiques et privées dédiées à l'intégration des immigrés. L'immigration prend part à la fabrique du lieu. Via la mise en valeur de la contribution des anciennes vagues d'immigration, et le potentiel imaginé des futurs immigrés, l'immigration est envisagée comme un renouveau démographique, économique ou culturel. Conçue comme un levier, elle permet de redéfinir les échelles de développement de ces villes frontières. / Mutations of scales of power, as well as the role of immigration in the physical and symbolic production of the city, are analysed through immigrant integration policies in the cities of Acre, Arad, Kiryat Gat and Kiryat Shmona in Israel. Jewish immigration policies, as defined by the State of Israel from 1950s onwards, are challenged by decentralisation. However, only some local governments actively make local immigrant integration policies. The inquiry shows that these mid-sized cities proactively formulate a local policy in order to “choose” the immigrants that settle on the one hand; and to access new channels of public resources on the other hand.In that context, the implementation of an immigrant policy in the city leads to interdependence between actors located at various scales of power. With the fragmentation of responsibilities, actors compete to obtain the public and private resources for immigrant integration. Immigration is part of the making of place. Through the reintegration of former waves of immigration, and the imagined potential of future immigrants, immigration is foreseen as a demographic, economic or cultural renewal. It is a lever to redefine the development scales of those frontier towns.Keywords: Scales, governance, local governments, places, mid-sized cities, biographical method, immigration, integration policies, Israel.

À quoi sert la prospective ? Telle est la question de cette recherche sur les usages du futur par les régions et les métropoles en France depuis 1955. À quel moment la prospective est-elle mobilisée, par qui et selon quelles modalités ? En comparant seize démarches menées sur quatre territoires (Nantes, Lyon, Pays de la Loire et Rhône-Alpes), la thèse démontre que la prospective est moins utilisée pour agir sur le long terme que pour gouverner les institutions. En croisant la sociologie des institutions avec l’approche discursive des politiques publiques, ce travail développe le concept d’énoncé d’institution pour analyser la fonction de ces démarches. Relancée à intervalles irréguliers mais toujours éphémère, l’activité prospective correspond à une tentative des acteurs pour énoncer l’institution et construire une coalition discursive autour de cette définition. À travers l’élaboration d’un tel énoncé, les porteurs de ces démarches poursuivent trois objectifs : démontrer l’unité de l’institution, en justifier l’utilité et en revendiquer le pilotage. La thèse distingue quatre générations de démarches prospectives, correspondant chacune à un usage spécifique du futur : exister par anticipation à travers la planification à long terme (1955-1983), susciter un besoin d’institution malgré la résistance des notables locaux (1983-1995), affirmer la vocation stratégique de l’institution par la formulation d’un projet transversal (1995-2004) et atténuer les contradictions de l’action publique territoriale par la construction d’un discours politique consensuel (2004-2015). En s’intéressant au travail discursif des acteurs locaux plutôt que d’étudier les réformes nationales et leurs mises en œuvre, ce travail apporte un nouvel éclairage sur l’institutionnalisation des régions et des métropoles. Il révèle l’importance de ces énoncés pour faire tenir l’institution face au poids des dynamiques centrifuges, territoriales et sectorielles. / What are the functions of visioning (prospective)? Such is the guiding question of this dissertation, which examines efforts to envision the future at the regional and metropolitan level in France since 1955. When has foresight been used, by whom and for what ? Comparing sixteen exercises held in two cities (Nantes and Lyon) and two regions (Pays de la Loire and Rhône-Alpes), this work demonstrates that visioning is used less to shape the long term future than to govern current political institutions. Combining sociology of institutions with the discursive approach of public policy, this dissertation develops the concept of institution statement. Ephemeral although regularly revived, foresight activities are attempts to define the institution and to build discursive coalitions to support this definition. With such a statement, stakeholders in foresight activities act in pursuit of three goals: to demonstrate the unity of the institution, to justify its utility and to claim its leadership. The dissertation distinguishes four generations of foresight practices, each of which deals with a specific use of the future: to exist in advance through long term planning (1955-1983) ; to develop a need for an institution in spite of reluctance by the local political elite (1983-1995) ; to affirm the strategic vocation of the institution through the formulation of a project (1995-2004) ; and to alleviate growing contradictions in local public policies (2005-2015).This work contributes to revitalizing the study of the institutionalization of regional and metropolitan governments. Rather than studying national reforms and their implementation, it analyses the discursive work of local actors in order to define the role of these new state spaces. It reveals the importance of such statements in holding the institution in spite of spatial and sectorial centrifugal forces.

A literatura sobre a atuação dos governos subnacionais nas relações internacionais, mais conhecida como Paradiplomacia, evidencia o caráter predominantemente cooperativo presente na relação entre governos centrais e subnacionais no que se refere a temas de política externa. No entanto, o que os estudos não costumam dedicar atenção é sobre a dimensão das tensões e conflitos incutidos nessa relação, já que, na prática, a coordenação entre ambas as esferas de governo não é tão automática quanto parece. Dessa maneira, num primeiro momento, o trabalho pretende chamar a atenção para uma esfera ainda pouco explorada nos estudos de relações internacionais e no subcampo da paradiplomacia. Partindo da constatação de que existe um \"vácuo\" analítico em torno da dimensão do conflito entre as autoridades centrais e locais, o trabalho buscará trazer à tona essa discussão e localizar alguns desses pontos de tensão que se fazem presentes mesmo em um padrão de interação que se mostra majoritariamente cooperativo. Num segundo momento, tomando como hipótese a predominância da relação complementar entre os âmbitos federal e subnacional, analisou-se empiricamente o caso específico da atuação transnacional dos governos subnacionais na questão da mitigação dos efeitos da mudança climática, cujo tema vem ganhando relevância nas agendas internacionais municipais e, ao mesmo tempo, constitui um importante elemento dentro das diretrizes da política externa brasileira para o meio ambiente. A partir da seleção de uma amostra de cidades que possuem políticas públicas voltadas à mudança do clima e nas quais a ação internacional é um elemento condicionante para empreender tais iniciativas, buscou-se verificar como estes municípios poderão contribuir para o cumprimento das metas voluntárias para 2020 estabelecidas pelo Brasil durante a Conferência das Partes sobre Mudança Climática (COP-15), em 2009, da qual decorreu a implantação da Política Nacional sobre Mudança do Clima (PNMC). / The literature on the role of subnational governments in international relations, best known as Paradiplomacy, highlights the predominantly cooperative relationship between central and subnational governments with regard to foreign policy issues. However, studies do not devote much attention to the tensions and conflicts that permeate these interactions, since, in practice, the coordination between the two levels of government is not as natural as it seems. Thus, at first, the paper aims to draw attention to a sphere poorly explored in the study of international relations and in the subfield of paradiplomacy. Based on the observation that there is a gap in the analytical dimension of the conflict between central and local authorities, the study aims to bring this discussion to light and to locate some of these conflict points that are present even in a pattern of interaction that is mainly cooperative. Secondly, assuming the prevalence of a complementary relationship between the federal and subnational levels, the article empirically analyzes the specific case of subnational governments\' transnational activities on climate change mitigation, which is gaining importance in the municipalities\' international agenda. At the same time, it is an important element in the Brazilian environmental foreign policy. By selecting a sample of cities that have public policies on climate change in which international action is a conditioning element to undertake such initiatives, we sought to verify how these municipalities would contribute to the fulfillment of voluntary emission reduction targets for 2020. This target was established by Brazil during the Conference of the Parties on Climate Change (COP-15) in 2009, also becoming the base for the countries\' National Policy on Climate Change (NPCC).

A literatura sobre a atuação dos governos subnacionais nas relações internacionais, mais conhecida como Paradiplomacia, evidencia o caráter predominantemente cooperativo presente na relação entre governos centrais e subnacionais no que se refere a temas de política externa. No entanto, o que os estudos não costumam dedicar atenção é sobre a dimensão das tensões e conflitos incutidos nessa relação, já que, na prática, a coordenação entre ambas as esferas de governo não é tão automática quanto parece. Dessa maneira, num primeiro momento, o trabalho pretende chamar a atenção para uma esfera ainda pouco explorada nos estudos de relações internacionais e no subcampo da paradiplomacia. Partindo da constatação de que existe um \"vácuo\" analítico em torno da dimensão do conflito entre as autoridades centrais e locais, o trabalho buscará trazer à tona essa discussão e localizar alguns desses pontos de tensão que se fazem presentes mesmo em um padrão de interação que se mostra majoritariamente cooperativo. Num segundo momento, tomando como hipótese a predominância da relação complementar entre os âmbitos federal e subnacional, analisou-se empiricamente o caso específico da atuação transnacional dos governos subnacionais na questão da mitigação dos efeitos da mudança climática, cujo tema vem ganhando relevância nas agendas internacionais municipais e, ao mesmo tempo, constitui um importante elemento dentro das diretrizes da política externa brasileira para o meio ambiente. A partir da seleção de uma amostra de cidades que possuem políticas públicas voltadas à mudança do clima e nas quais a ação internacional é um elemento condicionante para empreender tais iniciativas, buscou-se verificar como estes municípios poderão contribuir para o cumprimento das metas voluntárias para 2020 estabelecidas pelo Brasil durante a Conferência das Partes sobre Mudança Climática (COP-15), em 2009, da qual decorreu a implantação da Política Nacional sobre Mudança do Clima (PNMC). / The literature on the role of subnational governments in international relations, best known as Paradiplomacy, highlights the predominantly cooperative relationship between central and subnational governments with regard to foreign policy issues. However, studies do not devote much attention to the tensions and conflicts that permeate these interactions, since, in practice, the coordination between the two levels of government is not as natural as it seems. Thus, at first, the paper aims to draw attention to a sphere poorly explored in the study of international relations and in the subfield of paradiplomacy. Based on the observation that there is a gap in the analytical dimension of the conflict between central and local authorities, the study aims to bring this discussion to light and to locate some of these conflict points that are present even in a pattern of interaction that is mainly cooperative. Secondly, assuming the prevalence of a complementary relationship between the federal and subnational levels, the article empirically analyzes the specific case of subnational governments\' transnational activities on climate change mitigation, which is gaining importance in the municipalities\' international agenda. At the same time, it is an important element in the Brazilian environmental foreign policy. By selecting a sample of cities that have public policies on climate change in which international action is a conditioning element to undertake such initiatives, we sought to verify how these municipalities would contribute to the fulfillment of voluntary emission reduction targets for 2020. This target was established by Brazil during the Conference of the Parties on Climate Change (COP-15) in 2009, also becoming the base for the countries\' National Policy on Climate Change (NPCC).