As mudanças climáticas impõem um conjunto de desafios à sociedade contemporânea. Nesse sentido, esta dissertação trata das mudanças climáticas a partir da abordagem dos governos locais e, mais especificamente, da experiência da cidade de São Paulo. A política climática permitiu que o município paulistano exercesse um protagonismo no cenário nacional e regional, além de uma inserção internacional. A cidade promulgou em junho de 2009, antes do estado de São Paulo e da União, a lei que criou e institucionalizou sua política de mudança do clima. O recorte cronológico considerou os mandatos dos prefeitos Marta Suplicy (PT), de 2001 a 2004; José Serra (PSDB), de 2005 a 2006; Gilberto Kassab (PFL/DEM/PSD), de 2006 a 2012; e Fernando Haddad (PT), de 2013 a 2016. Esse período foi analisado a partir do referencial teórico da sociologia política, considerando especificamente a figura do mediador de políticas públicas e os instrumentos da ação pública. Em termos metodológicos foi realizada uma revisão bibliográfica não sistemática, pesquisas em legislações e periódicos da época e a aplicação de questionário semiestruturado em entrevistas com atores-chave. O questionamento central foi: o que permitiu que a cidade de São Paulo exercesse um protagonismo no campo das políticas públicas em mudanças climáticas no Brasil? A busca pela resposta a essa pergunta indicou que um conjunto de instrumentos da ação pública local começou a ser implementado pelo menos desde 2003 e, a partir do momento em que os valores das mudanças climáticas passaram a representar a principal referência das ações da Secretaria do Verde e Meio Ambiente (SVMA), uma série de ações intersetoriais ganharam força. Eduardo Jorge exerceu uma liderança importante nesse processo, sendo o Secretário de Meio Ambiente mais longevo. Entretanto, quando um novo governo assumiu o poder em São Paulo a partir de 2013, a política climática perdeu força e sofreu retrocessos. / The climate change imposes a set of challenges to the contemporary society. This dissertation considers the climate change from the local governments approach and, more specifically, the São Paulos city experience. The climate policy allowed the city to play a leading role at the national regional scenario, besides an international insertion. The city has promulgated in June 2009 the law that created and institutionalized its climate change policy, before the State of São Paulo and the Union. The period analyzed considered the mandates of mayors Marta Suplicy (PT) from 2001 to 2004, José Serra (PSDB) in 2005 and Gilberto Kassab (PFL/DEM/PSD) from 2006 to 2012, and Fernando Haddad (PT) from 2013 to 2016. This period was analyzed from the theoretical reference of the political sociology perspective, considering specifically the figure of the public policies mediator and public action instruments. The methodology adopted was based on non-systematic bibliographic review, researches in legislation and journals, and the application of semi structured questionnaire on interviews with key actors. What allowed the city of São Paulo to play a leading role in the field of public policies on climate change in Brazil? The quest for the answer to this question indicated that a set of local public action instruments have been in place since at least 2003 and, as climate change values have come to represent the main reference of SVMA actions, a series of intersetorial actions gained strength. Eduardo Jorge has an important leadership in this process, being the environmental secretary during the longer analyzed period. However, when the new São Paulos government takes place from 2013, climate change policy loses strength and has setbacks.

Esta dissertação tem por objetivo analisar se a cooperação internacional descentralizada via redes de articulação institucional de cidades traz impactos nas políticas locais de direitos humanos. Para isso, foi realizado estudo de caso específico sobre a relação da rede Cidades e Governos Locais Unidos (CGLU) - e sua Comissão de Inclusão Social, Democracia Participativa e Direitos Humanos (CISDPDH) - com a Prefeitura de São Paulo (PMSP) - e sua Secretaria Municipal de Direitos Humanos e Cidadania (SMDHC) -, durante a gestão do Prefeito Fernando Haddad (2013-2016). O estudo foi elaborado tanto por meio da revisão bibliográfica sobre ação internacional de governos locais, cooperação descentralizada, redes de cidades e direitos humanos nas cidades, como pela análise de relatórios e documentos da CGLU e da PMSP e entrevistas com atores-chave. Verificou-se, então, que a CGLU não tem como foco de sua atuação a cooperação descentralizada em si, mas o advocacy pela incidência dos governos locais na arena internacional. Esse perfil é então refletido nas atividades de sua Comissão de Direitos Humanos, que ficam centradas também ao advocacy, sobretudo, de agendas ligadas ao direito à cidade. Assim, não são evidentes os efeitos concretos e diretos que a participação na CGLU pode trazer de fato às políticas públicas de suas cidades-membro. No que diz respeito à Prefeitura de São Paulo, verificou-se que, a partir da retomada de adesão à CGLU esperava-se seu protagonismo político na rede, o que não ocorreu. Como a CGLU mostrou ser uma rede essencialmente política, a baixa atuação de uma cidade-membro neste aspecto, como foi a de São Paulo, acabou por limitar ainda mais os próprios benefícios que a PMSP poderia apreender de sua participação na rede, reduzindo-se também as possibilidades de haver algum impacto significativo em sua política pública municipal de direitos humanos. / The aim of this dissertation is to analyze whether decentralized international cooperation through networks of institutional articulation of cities has impacts on local human rights policies. For that, a specific case study was carried out on the relationship between the United Cities and Local Governments (UCLG) network - and its Committee on Social Inclusion, Participatory Democracy and Human Rights (CISDPDH) - and São Paulo City Hall (PMSP) - and its Municipal Secretariat for Human Rights and Citizenship (SMDHC) -, during the administration of Mayor Fernando Haddad (2013-2016). The research was developed through the bibliographic review on international action of local governments, decentralized cooperation, city networks and human rights in the cities; as well as through the analysis of UCLG\'s and PMSP\'s reports and documents and also interviews with key actors. It was then verified that UCLG does not focus its action on decentralized cooperation itself, but on advocacy for the incidence of local governments in the international arena. This profile is then reflected in the activities of its Human Rights Committee, which are also focused on the advocacy, mainly of agendas related to the right to the city. Thus, the concrete and direct effects that participation in UCLG can actually bring to the public policies of its member cities are not evident. With regard to São Paulo City Hall, it was verified that, since the resumption of its adhesion to UCLG, it was expected its political protagonism in the network, which did not actually occurred. As UCLG proved to be, in essence, a political network, the low performance of a member city in this respect, such as it was São Paulo\'s, ended up limiting even more the benefits that PMSP could have from its participation in the network, also reducing the possibilities of having some significant impact on its municipal public policy of human rights.

Submitted by Rosina Valeria Lanzellotti Mattiussi Teixeira (rosina.teixeira@unisantos.br) on 2017-08-15T18:08:30Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Mariangela mendes Lomba Pinho.pdf: 3323000 bytes, checksum: cf5e189449ea8dd8e383ede49e2b7d05 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-15T18:08:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Mariangela mendes Lomba Pinho.pdf: 3323000 bytes, checksum: cf5e189449ea8dd8e383ede49e2b7d05 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-04-12 / Universidade Católica de Santos - Católica de Santos / Although the International Climate Change Regime has been growing to higher proportions day after day, problems related to global warming seem to have been causing successive losses to mankind; Several initiatives, however, have been implemented towards the mitigation of climate hazards. There is need to go beyond that, though, and take adapting actions to current and future conditions to ensure sustainable development. The State has evidenced its lack of conditions to act efficiently in that segment and that said space is being slowly occupied by subnational players, who become important agents in the international relations. In that context, and considering the capitalist economies in a globalized environment, this thesis analyzes the environmental and economic paradiplomacy as a governance tool to contribute with more effective results, using soft law tools and acting in transnational climate networks, which by means of environmental economic instruments enable project financing. If the adapt is a new path taken in climate-related discussions, an innovative initiative, called Regions Adapt, still in the structuring phase, presents a bold proposal for subnational players. To achieve the outlined goals, this research was initially composed of the bibliographic and documentary method, with a review of the scholarly literature on the topic in general, since specific scientific works have not been found, complemented by technical visits and open interviews. Afterwards, the works was developed on a single case study to test the research compilations. Under such standpoint, São Paulo State was selected, once it holds the economic leadership in the country and because it is the region where this doctoral program is inserted, in addition to the vast experience in several actions already implemented in the international agenda of sustainability. Results indicate that the environmental paradiplomacy and economic paradiplomacy are indispensable tools to help face climate change and foment the new concept of economy, with an array of environmental economic instruments being offered in the market, although, in practical terms, access to the resources is still complex. Researches evidenced that due to the recent installation of the Regions Adapt initiative, economic aspects are not yet outlined. As to the State of São Paulo, object of the single case study, nowadays, despite the difficulties, it presents itself as a pioneer in environmental and paradiplomacy matters. / El Régimen Internacional del Cambio Climático asume proporciones cada vez significativas, pero los problemas relacionados con el calentamiento global siguen causando pérdidas sucesivas en la humanidad. Sin embargo, numerosas iniciativas han sido implementadas para mitigar los riesgos climáticos, pero hay que ir más allá y realizar acciones de adaptación a las condiciones actuales y futuras que pueden asegurar un escenario de desarrollo sostenible. El Estado ha demostrado que no puede actuar con eficacia en este segmento de manera aislada y este espacio ha sido ocupado gradualmente por los actores subnacionales que se convierten en actores importantes en las relaciones internacionales. En este contexto, y teniendo en cuenta las economías capitalistas en un mundo globalizado, esta tesis analiza la paradiplomacia ambiental y económica como herramienta de gobernanza global para contribuir con resultados más eficaces, con el uso de herramientas de soft law y actuando en redes climáticas transnacionales que, a través de instrumentos económicos ambientales, permiten la financiación de proyectos. Si la adaptación es una nueva dimensión en las discusiones de los problemas climáticos, una iniciativa innovadora, llamada Regions Adapt, que aún se está estructurando, se presenta como una propuesta audaz para los actores subnacionales. Para alcanzar los objetivos indicados, el presente tesis consistió en inicialmente adoptar el método bibliográfico y documental, con una revisión de la literatura académica sobre el tema en general, ya que no se encontraron artículos científicos específicos sobre paradiplomacia ambiental y economica, complementados con visitas técnicas y entrevistas abiertas. En la secuencia, se realizó un estudio de caso único para probar la investigación. Bajo este prisma, el Estado de Sao Paulo ha sido elegido, por su liderazgo económico en el país y por ser la región donde se inserta este programa de doctorado y también por su amplia experiencia en diversas acciones ya implementadas en el agenda internacional de la sostenibilidad. Los resultados indican que la paradiplomacia ambiental y económica son herramientas esenciales para ayudar en la lucha contra el cambio climático y promover un nuevo concepto de la economía, ya que se ofrecen en el mercado una amplia gama de instrumentos económicos ambientales, aunque en la práctica el acceso a esos recursos sigue siendo complejo. La investigación demostró que, debido a la reciente instalación de la iniciativa Regions Adapt, todavía sus instrumentos económicos no están bien delineados. En cuanto al Estado de Sao Paulo, estudio de caso único de esta investigación, en nuestros días, a pesar de las dificultades, sigue como pionero en temas ambientales y paradiplomáticos. / O Regime Internacional de Mudanças Climáticas vem tomando proporções cada vez maiores, porém os problemas relacionados ao aquecimento global vêm ocasionando sucessivas perdas à humanidade. Entretanto, inúmeras iniciativas têm sido implementadas no sentido de mitigar os riscos climáticos, mas é preciso ir além e efetuar ações de adaptação para que as condições atuais e futuras possam garantir o desenvolvimento sustentável. O Estado já demonstrou que não apresenta condições de atuar eficientemente neste segmento e este espaço vem sendo ocupado paulatinamente por atores subnacionais, que se tornam importantes agentes nas relações internacionais. Neste contexto, e considerando as economias capitalistas em um ambiente globalizado, a presente tese analisa a paradiplomacia ambiental e econômica como instrumento de governança global para contribuir com resultados mais efetivos, utilizando ferramentas de soft law e atuando em redes climáticas transnacionais que, por meio de instrumentos econômicos ambientais, possibilitam financiamento aos projetos. Se a adaptação é uma nova vertente nas discussões das questões climáticas, uma iniciativa inovadora, denominada Regions Adapt, que ainda está em estruturação, apresenta uma proposta arrojada para os atores subnacionais. Para atingir os objetivos traçados, esta pesquisa compôs-se inicialmente do método bibliográfico e documental, com uma revisão da literatura acadêmica sobre o tema em geral, visto que não foram encontrados trabalhos científicos específicos, complementados por visitas técnicas e entrevistas abertas. Na sequência, efetuou-se um estudo de caso único para testar as compilações da pesquisa. Sob tal prisma, foi selecionado o Estado de São Paulo, por ser a liderança econômica no pais e por ser a região onde este programa de doutorado está inserido, além de possuir vasta experiência em diversas ações já implementadas na agenda internacional da sustentabilidade. Os resultados indicam que a paradiplomacia ambiental e econômica são ferramentas imprescindíveis para auxiliar no enfrentamento das mudanças climáticas e no fomento a um novo conceito de economia, sendo oferecido no mercado uma gama de instrumentos econômicos ambientais, embora na prática o acesso aos recursos ainda seja complexo. As pesquisas evidenciaram que em função da recente instalação da iniciativa Regions Adapt, os aspectos econômicos ainda não estão delineados. Quanto ao Estado de São Paulo, objeto do estudo de caso único, hodiernamente, apesar das dificuldades, apresenta pioneirismo nas questões ambientais e paradiplomáticas.

Thesis. 1979. Ph.D.--Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning. / MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND ROTCH. / Bibliography: leaves 287-293. / Ph.D.

The formation of the Liberal Party of Australia in the mid-1940s heralded a new effort to stem the tide of government regulation that had grown with Labor Party rule in the latter years of World War II and immediately after. It was not until 1949 that the party gained office at Federal level, beginning what was to be a record unbroken term of 23 years, but its efforts faltered at State level in Victoria, where the party was divided, and in New South Wales, where Labor was seemingly entrenched. The fortunes were reversed with the rise to leadership of men who bore a different stamp to their predecessors, and were in many ways atypical Liberals: Henry Bolte in Victoria and Robin Askin in New South Wales. Bolte, a farmer, and Askin, a bank officer, had served as non-commissioned officers in World War II and rose to lead parties whose members who had served in the war were predominantly of the officer class. In each case, their man management skills put an end to division and destabilisation in their parties, and they went on to serve record terms as Liberal leaders in their respective States, Bolte 1955-72 and Askin 1965-75. Neither was ever challenged in their leadership and each chose the time and nature of his departure from politics, a rarity among Australian political leaders. Their careers are traced here in the context of the Liberal revival and the heightened expectations of the post-war years when the Liberal Party reached an ascendancy, governing for a brief time in 1969-70 in all Australian States as well as the Commonwealth. Their leadership is also examined in the broader context of leadership in the Liberal Party, and also in the ways in which the new party sought to engage with and appeal to a wider range of voters than had traditionally been attracted to the non-Labor parties.

This study starts with two theoretical puzzles within the rational choice oriented literature on government formation in parliamentary democracies: the relative importance of constitutional rules and the existence of multiple party goals. From these puzzles stem the research questions that guide the study: First, what is the theoretical and empirical link between constitutional arrangements (including rules) and party goals? Second, what are the goals of political parties and how can these be studied? Third, relative to the goals of political parties and other constitutional arrangements, what is the importance of government formation rules for the empirical record of minority and majority governments?Coalition theory provides the theoretical starting point from which the research questions stem. The historical-institutional strand of new institutionalism is used to guide the general understanding of the importance of institutional context. The rational choice oriented strand is used for a detailed study of the design of the Swedish government formation rules and an analysis of how the formation rules affect the goal seeking (micro-logic) of actors.Based on both cross-national data and an in-depth study of Swedish coalition and government formation, the analysis shows that the answer to research question number one is that the link between constitutional arrangements and party goals is one of co-determination. The answer to research question number two is that party leaders pursue four main goals and that this should be an explicit model assumption. The answer to research question number three is that the government formation rules help determine the parties' bargaining positions and for that reason they are of significant importance for the formation of minority and majority governments. / digitalisering@umu

Despite their prevalence, the study of Canadian minority governments has been the object of few published studies. In particular, the issue of how governments that must rely on the support of one or more opposition parties in Parliament manage to remain in power (viability) and pass their legislative proposals (effectiveness) has not been thoroughly investigated. This study examines the parliamentary dynamics at play in these situations by applying a majority building framework grounded in and supported by three theoretical perspectives, namely the rational choice tradition, new institutionalism, and the role of party politics and party systems, to four minority governments that have occurred in the last 50 years or so: 1- Diefenbaker (1957-1958), 2- Pearson (1963-1965); 3- Clark (1979-1980); and, 4- Harper (2006-2008). The data on the specific circumstances that held during these minority governments has been gathered from archival records, from the recorded debates and votes in the House of Commons, from previous Canadian studies on minority government, from political autobiographies, and from third party accounts of the events at the time. The study finds that majority building is a function of primarily two interrelated variables: 1- bargaining power (interparty dynamics and intra-party cohesion) and 2- agenda control (House business, confidence tests, other institutional features). It also stresses the importance of government concessions as an effective means of achieving desired goals and outcomes. Furthermore, this study highlights the capacity and skill of individual parliamentary actors in the exercise of legislative politics generally and in manipulating institutional and party system levers specifically, as a contributing factor to their government’s duration and legislative output. This study adds to the empirical knowledge of the minority experience in Canada and provides a conceptual framework to better understand legislative politics and its impact on the success of minority governments in Canada and elsewhere. / Malgré leur fréquence, les gouvernements minoritaires au Canada n’ont pas souvent fait l’objet d’études. En particulier, peu d’attention a été portée à la question de comment un gouvernement minoritaire réussi à obtenir l’appui d’un ou de plusieurs partis d’opposition dans le but de rester au pouvoir (viabilité) et de faire passer ses propositions législatives (efficacité). Notre étude examine les dynamiques parlementaires qui se déploient dans ses situations. Plus précisément, elle cherche à les comprendre à la lumière d’un modèle de stratégies menant au consensus sur un vote parlementaire. Ce modèle est fondé sur trois perspectives théoriques, soit la tradition du choix rationnel, le nouvel institutionnalisme et le rôle de la politique partisane et du système de partis. Nous étudions quatre gouvernements minoritaires des cinquante dernières années : 1- Diefenbaker (1957-1958), 2- Pearson (1963-1965), 3- Clark (1979-1980) et Harper (2006-2008). Nous avons accumulé nos données sur ces gouvernements minoritaires à partir de documents d’archives, de la transcription des débats et des votes à la Chambre des communes, d’études canadiennes sur les gouvernements minoritaires, d’autobiographies politiques et des souvenirs de tierces parties présentes lors du déroulement des événements que nous étudions. Notre étude identifie deux variables liées à la création de majorités législatives au Parlement, soit : 1- le pouvoir de négociation (la dynamique entre les partis et la cohésion à l’intérieur des partis) et, 2- le contrôle de l’agenda parlementaire (affaires découlant de la Chambre, les motions de confiance et d’autres facteurs institutionnels). De plus, elle identifie l’importance des concessions gouvernementales dans l’atteinte de ses objectifs. Notre étude souligne l’importance de la capacité et du doigté des joueurs parlementaires particuliers dans l’exercice de la politique législative en général et dans la manipulation des composantes institutionnelles et partisanes en particulier pour garantir la longévité et l’efficacité de leur gouvernement. Notre étude contribue à ajouter à notre connaissance de l’expérience minoritaire au Canada et nous offre un modèle nous permettant de mieux comprendre la politique législative et sa contribution au succès des gouvernements minoritaires au Canada et ailleurs.

Despite their prevalence, the study of Canadian minority governments has been the object of few published studies. In particular, the issue of how governments that must rely on the support of one or more opposition parties in Parliament manage to remain in power (viability) and pass their legislative proposals (effectiveness) has not been thoroughly investigated. This study examines the parliamentary dynamics at play in these situations by applying a majority building framework grounded in and supported by three theoretical perspectives, namely the rational choice tradition, new institutionalism, and the role of party politics and party systems, to four minority governments that have occurred in the last 50 years or so: 1- Diefenbaker (1957-1958), 2- Pearson (1963-1965); 3- Clark (1979-1980); and, 4- Harper (2006-2008). The data on the specific circumstances that held during these minority governments has been gathered from archival records, from the recorded debates and votes in the House of Commons, from previous Canadian studies on minority government, from political autobiographies, and from third party accounts of the events at the time. The study finds that majority building is a function of primarily two interrelated variables: 1- bargaining power (interparty dynamics and intra-party cohesion) and 2- agenda control (House business, confidence tests, other institutional features). It also stresses the importance of government concessions as an effective means of achieving desired goals and outcomes. Furthermore, this study highlights the capacity and skill of individual parliamentary actors in the exercise of legislative politics generally and in manipulating institutional and party system levers specifically, as a contributing factor to their government’s duration and legislative output. This study adds to the empirical knowledge of the minority experience in Canada and provides a conceptual framework to better understand legislative politics and its impact on the success of minority governments in Canada and elsewhere. / Malgré leur fréquence, les gouvernements minoritaires au Canada n’ont pas souvent fait l’objet d’études. En particulier, peu d’attention a été portée à la question de comment un gouvernement minoritaire réussi à obtenir l’appui d’un ou de plusieurs partis d’opposition dans le but de rester au pouvoir (viabilité) et de faire passer ses propositions législatives (efficacité). Notre étude examine les dynamiques parlementaires qui se déploient dans ses situations. Plus précisément, elle cherche à les comprendre à la lumière d’un modèle de stratégies menant au consensus sur un vote parlementaire. Ce modèle est fondé sur trois perspectives théoriques, soit la tradition du choix rationnel, le nouvel institutionnalisme et le rôle de la politique partisane et du système de partis. Nous étudions quatre gouvernements minoritaires des cinquante dernières années : 1- Diefenbaker (1957-1958), 2- Pearson (1963-1965), 3- Clark (1979-1980) et Harper (2006-2008). Nous avons accumulé nos données sur ces gouvernements minoritaires à partir de documents d’archives, de la transcription des débats et des votes à la Chambre des communes, d’études canadiennes sur les gouvernements minoritaires, d’autobiographies politiques et des souvenirs de tierces parties présentes lors du déroulement des événements que nous étudions. Notre étude identifie deux variables liées à la création de majorités législatives au Parlement, soit : 1- le pouvoir de négociation (la dynamique entre les partis et la cohésion à l’intérieur des partis) et, 2- le contrôle de l’agenda parlementaire (affaires découlant de la Chambre, les motions de confiance et d’autres facteurs institutionnels). De plus, elle identifie l’importance des concessions gouvernementales dans l’atteinte de ses objectifs. Notre étude souligne l’importance de la capacité et du doigté des joueurs parlementaires particuliers dans l’exercice de la politique législative en général et dans la manipulation des composantes institutionnelles et partisanes en particulier pour garantir la longévité et l’efficacité de leur gouvernement. Notre étude contribue à ajouter à notre connaissance de l’expérience minoritaire au Canada et nous offre un modèle nous permettant de mieux comprendre la politique législative et sa contribution au succès des gouvernements minoritaires au Canada et ailleurs.

Unlimited demands of development and non-stopped destruction of surrounding environments cause many environmental problems. In this paper, Climate Change as one important issue has been studied against an Asian background. For the purpose of showing a clear trend of communicated corporate awareness in global Climate Change issues, in this report, seventy Asian companies have been studied. The results show a relatively low-level growth curve of communicated corporate Climate Change awareness by dissecting companies’ CEO Letters during years 2000 to 2009, followed by a comparison study with European results and five possible explanations in the discussion part. As the conclusion of this paper, an increased interest among Asian governments and companies during year 2000-2009 has been observed. However, there is still lack of knowledge on a general level compared with the European results. According to the five possible explanations, several possible future studies have also been recommended in the paper: 1) Comparison study under the same scope within Asia or other continents; 2) Case-study on specific interested companies; 3) On-going study on the future curve trend with the same target group.

No description available.