Orientador: Omar Ribeiro Thomaz / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-06T11:57:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cherem_YoussefAlvarenga_M.pdf: 1667068 bytes, checksum: 23d691189fa6ca5fdeeef14108da6208 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / Resumo: Durante os dois mandatos Mohammad Khatami como presidente da República Islâmica do Irã (1997-2001; 2001-2005), observou-se um debate intenso e violento na sociedade iraniana a respeito da concepção do espaço político e dos fundamentos da ação política. Uma parte essencial desse debate foi a participação dos estudantes numa incipiente (embora efêmera e limitada) abertura do espaço público. Mas essa política de reforma teve o resultado inesperado de trazer à tona as vozes de contestação da organização normativa autoritária do campo político, expondo as contradições constitutivas do sistema e seu funcionamento ambíguo, e ameaçando por um momento a dominação da elite política religiosa-revolucionária. Essa ameaça ocorreu porque os estudantes agiam segundo uma lógica republicana de igualdade jurídico-política e exigiam a instauração desse padrão, prometido por Khatami durante a campanha eleitoral. Em outras palavras, podemos perceber uma vontade de reformulação simbólico-institucional da divisão público-privado que regia as relações entre o estado e a sociedade do Irã desde o estabelecimento da República Islâmica. A participação de elementos anteriormente excluídos do espaço público e o fortalecimento da sociedade civil fizeram com que fossem contestados a estrutura de poder e o funcionamento enclausurado (privado) do sistema político iraniano, bem como regras não escritas da vida política iraniana. Assim, embora os estudantes tenham sido reprimidos, esse período de abertura relativa nos abre uma perspectiva frutífera para interpretar a pluralidade de concepções de governo, religião e sociedade presentes num país muçulmano, opondo-se a algumas visões do meio acadêmico que se destacam por uma leitura superficial e/ou unidimensional de fenômenos onde se entremeiam cultura e política / Abstract: Islam, legitimacy and political culture: the Iranian student movement in the Khatami government During his two terms as the president of the Islamic Republic of Iran (1997-2001; 2001- 2005), we have come to witness an intense and violent debate in Iranian society about the conception of the public space and the fundaments of political action. An essential element in this debate was the participation of the students in a fledgling (but ephemeral and limited) opening of the public space. But this policy of reform had the unexpected result of bringing into the open the dissenting voices against the normative, authoritarian framing of the public space, exposing the inherent contradictions of the system and its hazy functioning, and jeopardizing, even if for just one moment, the ascendancy of the religious revolutionary elites. The students¿ coming out in public was a threat because the students acted according to a republican logic of juridical and political equality and demanded the implementation, as promised by Khatami in his campaign of this pattern, and the abolition of the ¿unwritten rules¿ of Iranian political life. In other words, we can notice a will of symbolic and institutional reformulation of the separation between public and private spheres that ruled the relations between state and society in Iran since the establishment of the Islamic Republic. The participation of people who had been previously excluded from public space and the strengthening of civil society increased opposition to the power structure and the closed, private working of the political system. Thus, although the students have been repressed, this period of relative opening opens a promising path to interpret the plurality of conception of government, religion and society in a Muslim country ¿ an interpretation that engages critically some scholarly views of the interweaving of culture and politics that are remarkable for their shallow and/or one-dimensional reading of intrinsically multi-layered phenomena / Mestrado / Mestre em Antropologia Social

Made available in DSpace on 2015-09-25T12:22:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Joao Ricardo Pessoa Xavier de Siqueira Parte 5.pdf: 1357765 bytes, checksum: e661ba8ada276f19c4d0656dcfb10e77 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-11-30 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The contemporary international scenario, outlined by the paradigm of globalization, is characterized by the admission of new players that can articulate themselves in an interdependent manner. Inserted in the wide range which consists the group of these new players, are subnational governments and their international articulation models that characterize the phenomenon of paradiplomacy. Among the objectives that guided the research, we tried to approach the paradiplomatic phenomenon as a result of changes in the prevailing world order, characterizing it as an effect of the subnational actors‟ behavior in face to the new governance standards. Furthermore, paradiplomacy was framed up as a viable institute for the development of the Brazilian federation‟s constituent units. Therefore, the work was based on a case study with descriptive-analytical character that had as objects of observation the state of Pernambuco and the city of Recife, with their respective models of international insertion and articulation. We took as guiding theoretical referential the literature already produced in the area consisting primarily on the studies by Soldatos, Paquin, Lecours and Prieto. In the present study it was possible to set up the analysis on the efficacy of paradiplomatic activity on two levels: state and municipal through paradiplomacy performed by the two subnational governments already mentioned via autonomous agencies. / O cenário internacional contemporâneo, delineado pelo paradigma da globalização, caracteriza-se pela admissão de novos atores que se articulam de maneira interdependente. Inseridos na ampla gama que constitui o grupo desses novos agentes, encontram-se os governos subnacionais e os modelos de articulação internacional que caracterizam o fenômeno da paradiplomacia. Dentre os objetivos norteadores da pesquisa, buscou-se a abordagem do fenômeno paradiplomático como resultado das transformações na ordem mundial vigente, caracterizando-o como efeito do comportamento de atores subnacionais frente aos novos padrões de governança. Além disso, enquadramos a paradiplomacia como um instituto viável ao desenvolvimento das unidades constituintes da federação brasileira. Para tanto, o trabalho valeu-se de um estudo de caso de caráter descritivo-analítico que teve como objetos de observação o estado de Pernambuco e a cidade do Recife, com seus respectivos modelos de inserção e articulação internacional. Tomou-se como referencial teórico norteador a bibliografia já produzida na área, constituída principalmente pelos estudos de Soldatos, Paquin, Lecours e Prieto. Pelo presente estudo foi possível estabelecer a análise da eficácia da atuação paradiplomática em dois níveis: estadual e municipal, através da paradiplomacia desempenhada pelos dois governos subnacionais supracitados via órgãos autonomamente considerados.

Submitted by Edineia Teixeira (edineia.teixeira@unioeste.br) on 2018-02-06T10:53:28Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Bruna_Alves2015.pdf: 1835532 bytes, checksum: fa7d1a01d23c3583663512b70986b877 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-02-06T10:53:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Bruna_Alves2015.pdf: 1835532 bytes, checksum: fa7d1a01d23c3583663512b70986b877 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-06 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / Fundação Araucária de Apoio ao Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico do Estado do Paraná (FA) / The main objective of this bibliographic and documental research is the identification and the analysis of the theoretical-political influences of the called “Socialism of the XXI Century” in the restructuring process of the Venezuelan school system. The assumptions of this Socialism focused on the movement of creation, experimentation and consolidation of the Bolivarian Education. The educational historic of Venezuela, before Hugo Chavez’s election in 1998, was conditioned to the political and the economic situation established in the country, which, through democratic elections, held two right-wing parties in the power on an alternation regime. This political condition generated poverty and social, cultural and educational exclusion of the people, especially from the 1980s, it occurred the penetration of neoliberalism in the country, which led to a decrease of the resources for education, resulting in the abandon of the educations system, to the poorest. The democratic election of President Chavez in 1998, marks the economic policy history and also educational of Venezuela. As soon as Chavez took over and promulgated the Constitution of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela in 1999, occurred the re-foundation of the State, now anchored in a new democratic conceptual mark and in a participatory democracy parameter, with the popular prominence and of confronting the United States imperialism. With the reconfiguration of the political and economic context of the country, it emerged the need of forming a new social consciousness, which entailed the modification of the educational system in consonance with the historical and cultural Latin-American legacy, from political, philosophical and pedagogical authentic parameters from Bolivarian Education. The societal project, called Bolivarian Revolution, directed changes in the political, economic and social system of the country, reflecting also in the new composition of the educational system. Under the ideological, economic and legal support of the Bolivarian State, by the massive increase of financial resources to the social sectors and the elaboration of oriented documents of the revolutionary path chosen by Venezuela, of the socialist homeland construction, - 2 as the National Project Simón Bolívar – First Socialist plan. Economic and Social Development of the Nation (PPS-2007-2013); Proposal of the homeland candidate – Commander Hugo Chávez – for the Socialist Bolivarian management (2013-2019 (after his death, this document was redefined as a Second Socialist Plan); and second the United Socialist Party Program of Venezuela (USPPV), - the school education incorporates in this process the conceptual and pedagogical guidance, and the relative autonomy to become, both in the theoretical formal plan as in implemented pedagogical practices. Therefore, there was the consolidation of a socialist mark curriculum – Diseño Bolivarian National Curriculum (2007) -, followed by the officialization of Bolivarian Education in the (Ley Orgánica de Educación) (Organic law of Education), 2009. Therefore, the multiple transformations occurred in Venezuela during Chávez governments inflated and conditioned the implementation of a national system of education consistent with needs of Venezuelan people. The statistics proved that, in Chávez’s mandates, the social and educational advances were significant and would not be achieved without political will and a governmental plan and of State that covered, in full, a set of articulated and simultaneous actions in the economic, political, social and cultural spheres. / O objetivo central dessa pesquisa bibliográfica e documental é a identificação e a análise das influências teórico-políticas do chamado “Socialismo do Século XXI” no processo de reestruturação do sistema escolar venezuelano. Os pressupostos desse Socialismo incidiram sobre o movimento de criação, experimentação e consolidação da Educação Bolivariana. O histórico educacional da Venezuela, anterior a eleição de Hugo Chávez em 1998, esteve condicionado à conjuntura política e à situação econômica estabelecida no país, que, mediante eleições democráticas, mantinha dois partidos de direita no poder em regime de alternância. Essa condição política gerou pobreza e exclusão social, cultural e educacional do povo, sobretudo a partir da década de 1980, ocorreu a penetração do neoliberalismo no país, o que levou à diminuição dos recursos destinados à educação, resultando no abandono do sistema educativo, para os mais pobres. A eleição democrática do presidente Chávez, em 1998, marca a história política econômica e também educacional da Venezuela. Tão logo Chávez assumiu e promulgou a Constituição da República Bolivariana da Venezuela em 1999, ocorreu a refundação do Estado, agora ancorado em um novo marco conceitual democrático e em um parâmetro de democracia participativa, com o protagonismo popular e de enfrentamento ao imperialismo estadunidense. Com a reconfiguração do contexto político e econômico do país, emergiu a necessidade de formar uma nova consciência social, que implicou a alteração do sistema educacional em consonância com o legado histórico-cultural latino-americano, a partir de parâmetros políticos, filosóficos e pedagógicos autênticos da Educação Bolivariana. O projeto societário, denominado de Revolução Bolivariana, orientou mudanças no ordenamento político, econômico e social do país, refletindo também na nova composição do sistema educacional. Sob o respaldo ideológico, econômico e jurídico do Estado Bolivariano, mediante o incremento maciço de recursos financeiros aos setores sociais e da elaboração de documentos orientadores do caminho revolucionário escolhido pela Venezuela, de construção da pátria socialista, - como o Projeto Nacional Simón Bolívar - Primeiro Plano Socialista. Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social da Nação (PPS-2007-2013); Proposta do candidato da pátria - comandante Hugo Chávez - para a gestão Bolivariana Socialista (2013-2019 (depois da sua morte, esse documento foi redefinido como Segundo Plano Socialista); e o Programa do Partido Socialista Unido da Venezuela (PSUV), - a educação escolar incorpora nesse processo a orientação conceitual e pedagógica, e a autonomia relativa para transformar-se, tanto no plano teórico-formal quanto em prática pedagógicas implantadas. Por conseguinte, ocorreu a consolidação de um currículo de marca socialista ─ Diseño Curricular Nacional Bolivariano (2007) ─, seguido pela oficialização da Educação Bolivariana na Ley Orgánica de Educación, de 2009. Portanto, as múltiplas transformações ocorridas na Venezuela durante os governos Chávez inflaram e condicionaram a implementação de um sistema nacional de educação condizente com a necessidade do povo venezuelano. As estatísticas comprovaram que, nos mandatos de Chávez, os avanços sociais e educacionais foram expressivos e que não seriam alcançados sem vontade política e um plano governamental e de Estado que abrangesse, na totalidade, um conjunto

Submitted by Edineia Teixeira (edineia.teixeira@unioeste.br) on 2018-02-19T19:01:43Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Fernando_Rodrigues2016.pdf: 1094742 bytes, checksum: c4f8ce2162d0eff2077856b5c07d6c2d (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-02-19T19:01:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Fernando_Rodrigues2016.pdf: 1094742 bytes, checksum: c4f8ce2162d0eff2077856b5c07d6c2d (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-07-04 / This study aimed to analyze the process of expanding access to Higher Education in Brazil through Prouni and Fies. This dissertation is based on the analysis concerning the bibliographic production of authors who deal about the access to the Higher Education level during the government of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and Dilma Roussef in the corresponding period from 2003 to 2014. In order to do that, this work is divided in two chapters that present historical aspects and political guidance about the Higher Education contemplating from the State reform since Fernando Henrique Cardoso to Dilma government, in the second chapter it is being addressed the understanding of researchers in the policy field for Higher Education as well as the movement of privatization/mercantilization of this education level. However, it is considered that the national Higher Education system still does not address the broad part of the population in Brazil, even with the policies and programs gestated in the last governments above mentioned, so it is still necessary the expansion of the access to the Higher Education in the public pole. On the other hand, the expansion of the access must occur without direct or indirect delegations of this responsibility to the private sector, as well, without the allocation of public funds, even if indirect, for the private higher education institutions, such as the tax waiver promoted by the Brazilian program University for All Program (Prouni) when buying private schools vacancies as a way of access increasing. The neoliberal principles in Brazilian public policies are imposed by international organizations and various governments that adhered to these principles for the global economy, with a project global of organization of the society in a coordinated policy where, despite the state plays a fundamental role in the formulation and execution of the social policies it does not mean that these involve only the public sphere. From the readings and analyzes of the authors mentioned in this dissertation, it was identified in the context of the educational reforms implemented in the 1980s and 1990s, that the policies for higher education resulted in the school exclusion of the higher degree of the working class and deterioration of the public system education, distancing more and more the possibility of access to higher education, although it is very heralded a discourse of democratization of this level of education. / Este trabalho teve como objetivo analisar o processo de ampliação do acesso à Educação Superior no Brasil por meio do Prouni e Fies. A presente dissertação baseia-se na análise acerca da produção bibliográfica de autores que tratam sobre o acesso ao nível de Educação Superior durante os governos de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva e Dilma Rousseff no período correspondente de 2003 a 2014. Para tanto este trabalho divide-se em dois capítulos que apresentam aspectos históricos e orientações políticas sobre a Educação Superior contemplando desde a reforma do Estado no governo de Fernando Henrique Cardoso até o governo de Dilma, sendo no segundo capítulo abordada a compreensão de pesquisadores no campo das políticas para a Educação Superior bem como o movimento de privatização/mercantilização deste nível de ensino. Contudo, considera-se que o sistema nacional de Educação Superior ainda não contempla às amplas camadas populacionais no Brasil, mesmo com as políticas e programas gestados nos últimos governos acima referidos, pois é necessária ainda a expansão do acesso à Educação Superior no pólo público. Por outro lado, a expansão do acesso deve ocorrer sem delegações diretas ou indiretas dessa responsabilidade à iniciativa privada, bem como, sem a alocação de verbas públicas, mesmo que indiretas, para os estabelecimentos de educação superior privados, como é o caso da renúncia fiscal promovida pelo programa brasileiro Programa Universidade para Todos (Prouni), ao comprar vagas de escolas particulares como forma de ampliação do acesso. Os princípios neoliberais nas políticas públicas brasileiras são impostos por organismos internacionais e diferentes governos que aderiram a tais princípios pela economia globalizada, com um projeto global de organização da sociedade em uma política articulada onde, apesar do Estado desempenhar um papel fundamental na formulação e efetivação das políticas sociais não significa que estas envolvam exclusivamente o âmbito público. A partir das leituras e análises dos autores citados nesta dissertação, identificou-se no contexto das reformas educacionais implementadas nas décadas de 1980 e 1990, que as políticas para a educação superior resultaram na exclusão escolar do nível superior da classe trabalhadora e deteriorização do sistema público de ensino, distanciando cada vez mais a possibilidade de acesso ao ensino superior, embora seja propalado um discurso de democratização deste nível de ensino.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-18T18:55:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 MARIANA CAVALCANTI BRAZ BERGER.pdf: 937319 bytes, checksum: f9304e820198879af6bb73d0022aed01 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-02-28 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / In this work it is analyzed the current Brazilian Social Security characteristics in face of the rules settled by the Federal Constitution created on 1988. It is presented the chronology of the Brazilian Social Protection Standard since its beginning until 1988 when it is assumed the social and political commitment for implement the Brazilian Social Security System based on policies for public health, social assistance, social benefits and retirement. It is argued about the drawbacks to build and secure this Social Security model. In this way, the capitalism in crisis and its redefinition state is reviewed, especially in the 1990 context. The objective is to understand the conditions imposed to the country during the establishment of the neoliberal program and its effects for the Social Security Policy. Thus, the political and institutional framework have to be analyzed to formulate the theoretical background. It is evaluated the time frame between 1988 and the two mandates of president Luís Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010), the political changes during this period are identified, mainly the last ones considered as social drawbacks. During this research, it was pursued to elucidate how the Social Security relates to the macroeconomic issue through the political and economical context. It was evaluated what the advances and drawbacks for its three related policies during the President Lula‟s mandates. Therefore, it is found that the Brazilian Social Security Policy faces a lot of problems to be settled as a public and universal system. It is due to the constant modification of its foundations during the last decade until nowadays caused by the political and economical decisions of the last Brazilian governments. / Estudo acerca dos processos de configuração da Seguridade Social brasileira a partir das normativas asseguradas na Constituição Federal de 1988. Demarca-se a trajetória histórica do Padrão de Proteção Social brasileiro desde os seus primórdios até o período constituinte quando se assume o compromisso político e social de implantar o Sistema de Seguridade Social no Brasil com base no tripé entre as Políticas de Saúde, Assistência e Previdência Social. Discute-se os entraves que esse processo de construção e sedimentação de um modelo de Seguridade Social vem se defrontando. Para tanto, busca-se situar o objeto de estudo no cenário de crise econômica e redefinição capitalista no intuito de entender as condições que estavam postas ao país quando da sua incorporação aos ditames do programa neoliberal, particularmente no contexto dos anos 1990, e os rebatimentos dessa opção na Seguridade Social brasileira. Assim, toma-se como referência teórica a análise do arcabouço político-institucional e como limite temporal os dois mandatos presidenciais de Luís Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010), identificando-se as mudanças, sobretudo, de cunho contrarreformistas que vêm sendo adotadas. No decorrer do processo investigativo, buscou-se considerar o contexto político-econômico com o objetivo de elucidar como a Seguridade Social se insere nas determinações macroeconômicas. Analisou-se em quais aspectos, sobretudo o governo Lula, avança ou retrocede no campo das tendências postas às três políticas que compõem esse sistema. Compreende-se, portanto, que a Seguridade Social brasileira encontra muitas dificuldades para sedimentar-se enquanto um sistema público e universalista, posto que ao longo da última década do século XX até os dias atuais, seus princípios basilares vêm sendo objeto de constantes alterações, diante das opções político-econômicas dos governos brasileiros.

Esta dissertação tem como objeto de pesquisa o governo do governador e capitãogeneral Bernardo José Maria Lorena e Silveira (Bernardo José de Lorena) a frente da capitania de São Paulo entre 1788 e 1797, principalmente em seu aspecto político e econômico. O governo de Bernardo José de Lorena se desenvolveu no contexto da Crise do Antigo Sistema Colonial, pautado, no caso de Portugal, pela política da Coroa em tentar aproveitar ao máximo as potencialidades da sua colônia. São Paulo, embora fosse uma capitania secundária, também não escapou das transformações do período e as ações levadas a cabo pelos administradores régios nos permitem vislumbrar o teor das ideias e interesses postos em jogo. Quarto governador pós-restauração da capitania de São Paulo, Bernardo José de Lorena empreendeu várias obras de infra-estrutura na Cidade de São Paulo, edificou o caminho de acesso do planalto paulista ao litoral e ao porto de Santos, incrementou a agricultura destinada à exportação, arquitetou a vinda de embarcações para a Capitania e desta para Portugal, dentro outros feitos. Sua governança, em linhas gerais se adequou ao que podemos chamar de Novo Padrão de Colonização. / This dissertation objective the resserch on the administration of Governor and Captain General Bernardo José Maria Lorena e Silveira (Bernardo José de Lorena) in charge of the captaincy of São Paulo between 1788 and 1797, especially in its political and economic aspects. The government of José Bernardo de Lorena was developed in the context of the Crisis of the Old Colonial System, ruled, in the case of Portugal, by the Crown policy of trying to exploit the full potential of their colony. São Paulo, though a secondary captaincy, has not escaped the transformations of the period and the actions undertaken by the royal administration allow us to glimpse the content of ideas and interests at stake. Fourth governor after restoration of the captaincy of São Paulo, José Bernardo de Lorena undertook various infrainstructural works in the City of São Paulo, he built the way from the Sao Paulo plateau to the coast and the port of Santos, increased farming for export, masterminded the arrival of boats directy from Portugal for this to Captaincy and for Portugal directy from São Paulo, among other deeds. Its governance, in general, adapted itself to what we call New Pattern of Colonization.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2017-05-18T14:35:20Z No. of bitstreams: 1 juanitoalexandrevieira.pdf: 2179454 bytes, checksum: 328453985b7c31446d4b67dc29a1851e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-05-18T15:41:43Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 juanitoalexandrevieira.pdf: 2179454 bytes, checksum: 328453985b7c31446d4b67dc29a1851e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-18T15:41:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 juanitoalexandrevieira.pdf: 2179454 bytes, checksum: 328453985b7c31446d4b67dc29a1851e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-04-27 / O Brasil sofre, na década de 1990, a imposição da síntese neoliberal, responsável por mudanças estruturais no próprio conceito de indústria nacional e com repercussão negativa no nível de emprego e na desigualdade social. A instabilidade econômica, em decorrência do descontrole inflacionário, constituiu-se como justificativa para a criação de medidas de austeridade macroeconômica baseadas nos altos juros, na sobrevalorização do câmbio e na ampliação da abertura do mercado interno como promoção da competitividade. O sucesso em controlar a inflação foi utilizado como instrumento político pelo governo Fernando Henrique para forjar apoio de setores industriais a um modelo mais restritivo ao setor produtivo. Apesar de estabelecerem relações distintas com o governo, o IEDI e a CUT assumem posição de resistência ao movimento hegemônico no período. O entendimento das duas entidades mantém a perspectiva de que o Estado precisa assumir a coordenação da política industrial como estratégia para o desenvolvimento nacional. Até 2002, a atuação das duas entidades acontece em campos distintos: os empresários do IEDI, como fração do bloco no poder, atuam de maneira secundária dentro do governo; e a CUT, como oposição ao governo federal, aposta na construção de um campo democrático e popular de enfrentamento ao neoliberalismo. A posse do presidente Lula representa uma alteração na conjuntura política e abre espaço para a retomada de medidas desenvolvimentistas. A indicação de mudança na trajetória político-econômica favorece a movimentação dos principais atores sociais, tanto dentro do bloco no poder como nas classes ausentes da estrutura de governo. O deslocamento desses setores beneficia a formação de uma nova coalizão comprometida com o fortalecimento da indústria doméstica e com a retomada do crescimento. A base para a consolidação dessa coalizão está no estímulo ao desenvolvimento sustentado como meio para articular ganhos de produtividade nas empresas e melhoria da distribuição de renda no país. A estratégia do mercado de massas, o acréscimo das exportações via elevação da competitividade e o aumento dos investimentos públicos para o setor produtivo são eixos prioritários do governo Lula para a retomada do crescimento econômico. A atuação, de maneira complementar, dos dois atores analisados na pesquisa foi decisiva para a modificação das orientações político-econômicas a partir de 2002. Essa nova coalizão garantiu sustentabilidade ao governo Lula para conduzir ações em benefício do crescimento industrial e das políticas de inclusão social. A resistência desses atores ao movimento contrário à atuação do Estado em favor do setor produtivo, hegemônico até 2002, e a capacidade de influência nas políticas públicas para o setor, após esse período, justificam a opção desta tese em analisar as políticas industriais nos governos Fernando Henrique e Lula a partir do olhar do IEDI e da CUT. / Brazil suffers, in the 1990s, the imposition of the neoliberal synthesis, responsible for structural changes in the very concept of national industry and with negative repercussions on the level of employment and social inequality. The economic instability, as a result of the inflationary lack of control, was established as justification for the creation of macroeconomic austerity measures based on high interest rates, the overvaluation of the exchange rate and the expansion of the opening of the domestic market as a promotion of competitiveness. The success in controlling inflation was used as a political instrument by the Fernando Henrique government to forge support from industrial sectors to a more restrictive model to the productive sector. Although establishing distinct relations with the government, IEDI and CUT assume a position of resistance to the hegemonic movement in the period. The understanding of both entities maintains the perspective that the State needs to assume the coordination of industrial policy as a strategy for national development. Until 2002, the performance of the two entities takes place in different fields: the IEDI entrepreneurs, as a fraction of the block in power, act in a secondary way within the government; and the CUT, as opposition to the federal government, is engaged on the construction of a democratic and popular field of confrontation with neoliberalism. The inauguration of President Lula represents a change in the political conjuncture and opens space for the resumption of development measures. The indication of change in the political-economic trajectory favors the movement of the main social actors, both within the ruling block and in the absent classes of the government structure. The displacement of these sectors benefits the formation of a new coalition committed to the strengthening of the domestic industry and the resumption of growth. The basis for the consolidation of this coalition is in stimulating sustained development as a means of articulating productivity gains in companies and improving the distribution of income in the country. The strategy of the mass market, the increase of exports through the elevation of competitiveness and the rise of the public investments for the productive sector are priority axes of the Lula government for the resumption of the economic growth. The performance, in a complementary way, of the two actors analyzed in the research was decisive for the modification of the political-economic orientations as of 2002. This new coalition guaranteed sustainability to the Lula government to lead actions to benefit industrial growth and social inclusion policies. The resistance of these actors to the movement against the State in favor of the productive sector, hegemonic up to 2002, and the capacity of influence in the public policies for the sector, after this period, justify the option of this thesis in analyzing the industrial policies in the Fernando Henrique and Lula governments from the perspective of IEDI and CUT.

The objective of this thesis was to investigate factors that influence local government implementation. The study is a comparative case study between two local governments in Sweden; Hässleholm and Landskrona. Primarily the thesis aimed to look at the conditions faced by those implementing a new government directive aimed at supporting women who face violence, and their children who bear witness, by focusing on three key aspects for successful implementation: Implementers level of understanding, knowledge and will to implement decisions. Material in the form of documents and 14 interviews with key actors in the two authorities constitute the empirical foundation of the analysis. According to the results, are the two local governments pretty equal in achieving their projectgoal but the local government of Hässleholm had better policy-making, policy-design and policy process. This difference in outcome between the two authorities could not fully be explained by the three investigated dimensions since the difference between the two authorities were rather limited in this respect: both authorities scored quite high on implementers understanding, knowledge and will to implement decisions. This does not say that understanding, knowledge and will are not important factors, rather it shows that also other factors can affect the outcome.

This thesis consists of four self-contained papers on job turnover, productivity and state- local finance. Paper [I] deals with the determinants of the rate of job turnover defined as the change in distribution of employment between and within industries in Swedish manufacturing. The rate of inter-industry job turnover is driven by the dispersion of profit changes among industries. Shifts in international competitiveness among industries seem to play a central role in the explanation of this pattern. The rate of intra-industry job turnover has been higher in industries with many small plants, low profit margins and high import penetration. Paper [II] analyzes the impact of openness on total factor productivity (TFP) growth. Using Swedish industry level data the results show that economically integrated industries tend to be more engaged in research and development (R&D) and have more entry and exit activity than other industries. The domestic R&D intensity does not contribute to the TFP growth rate. Instead, the results imply that openness to international markets, which helps facilitate technology spillovers, has a significant impact on the growth rate. There is also some evidence suggesting that producers exiting the market are less productive, implying that such exits will increase the average productivity of the industry concerned. The purpose of Paper [III] is to design and implement a test of whether the external effect from tax base sharing among local and regional governments is internalized via the intergovernmental transfer system. The test is based on the observation that if the external effect is internalized, an increase in the income tax rate at one level of government will induce the other level to reduce its income tax rate by the corresponding amount, leaving the effective tax rate unchanged. By using panel data for the Swedish local and regional public sectors, we estimate the reaction function for the local income tax rate. The results imply that an increase in the regional income tax rate induces the municipalities in the region to decrease their income tax rates. In addition, we are able to reject the null hypothesis that the external effect from tax base sharing is internalized. Paper [IV] concerns risk-sharing, in terms of how the central government smooths personal income among municipalities via the tax and transfer systems. Using Swedish panel data, the results show that the national tax and transfer systems mitigate an adverse shock to income of one krona so that disposable income falls by 67 öre, on average. However, there are large differences across regions, where the effect on disposable income varies between 32 and 78 öre in the krona. / digitalisering@umu

The use of performance information is the backbone of performance management. Performance information use refers to the willingness of public managers or other relevant stakeholders to incorporate quantitative or qualitative data in their decision-making. Both routine and nonroutine performance information is considered essential in managers’ decision making. Understanding the organizational factors that motivate public managers to use performance information is an important topic in the literature and practice of performance management. Although the number of studies on information use is growing, little is known about the impact of Organizational Social Capital (OSC). OSC is composed of the sub-dimensions of social interaction, trust, and shared goals. The main argument of this study is that OSC fosters performance information use in public administrations. It is expected that departments with high levels of organizational social capital are more likely to use both routine and nonroutine performance information. To test the hypothesized effect, department heads, middle managers, and other individuals with a supervisory role from 513 Florida County Government departments were surveyed. Furthermore, interviews, focus groups, and analysis of secondary data were performed to provide the context and the narrative surrounding the hypothesized effect. Analysis of the survey data reveals evidence in support of the hypothesized effects. Furthermore, the comparative case study analysis shows the existence of substantial differences in the history, background, organizational culture, and management between the two counties. The main findings show how reorganization processes as well as a lack of leadership may have detrimental effects to organizational social capital. Organizational social capital could be considered a relevant predictor of performance information use and thus deserves further attention from both researchers and practitioners.