Disertacijoje analizuojami subnacionalinio valdymo struktūros ir teritorinių savivaldybių kompetencijos tobulinimo teoriniai ir praktiniai aspektai. Pirmame disertacijos skyriuje nagrinėjami decentralizacijos teoriniai-metodologiniai aspektai: decentralizacijos turinio analizės problemos ir decentralizacijos privalumai bei trūkumai. Aptariama subnacionalinio valdymo struktūra ir vieta viešojo valdymo sistemoje, analizuojamos teritorinių savivaldybių kompetencijos sampratos, teritorinių savivaldybių ir kitų viešojo valdymo subjektų kompetencijos atskyrimas, teritorinių savivaldybių kompetencijos apibūdinimas, nagrinėjami subnacionalinio valdymo struktūros ir teritorinių savivaldybių kompetencijos nustatymo teoriniai aspektai. Antrame skyriuje analizuojama Lietuvos subnacionalinio valdymo struktūra ir vieta šalies viešojo valdymo sistemoje, išryškinamos teritorinio valdymo reformų kryptys 1995-2008 m. rugpjūtį, nagrinėjama Lietuvos savivaldybių bei apskričių viršininkų institucijų kompetencija ir sąveika 1995-2008 m. rugpjūčio laikotarpiu. Trečiame skyriuje pagrįsta disertacinio projekto metu atlikto empirinio tyrimo metodologija. Pristatomi ir apibendrinami Lietuvos subnacionalinio valdymo struktūros ir vietos savivaldybių bei apskričių viršininkų institucijų kompetencijos tyrimo rezultatai. Atlikto empirinio tyrimo pagrindu pateikiamos alternatyvios Lietuvos subnacionalinio valdymo struktūros ir savivaldybių bei apskričių viršininkų institucijų kompetencijos modelio... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Theoretical and practical aspects of sub-national government structure and territorial municipalities‘ competence are developed in a dissertation. The first chapter of the thesis examines the theoretical-methodological aspects of decentralization: problems of decentralization contents analysis as well as shortcomings and advantages of decentralization. It discusses the sub-national government structure and its place within the public governance system; analyzes the conceptions of territorial municipalities’ competence, division of competence of territorial municipalities and other subjects of public government as well as description of competence of territorial municipalities; examines theoretical aspects of establishing the sub-national government structure and the competence of territorial municipalities. The second chapter analyses the sub-national government structure of Lithuania and its place within the country’s public governance system, highlights the directions of territorial government reforms made in 1995- August 2008, examines the competence of Lithuanian municipalities and county governors’ institutions during the period of 1995-August 2008. The third chapter substantiates the methodology of empirical research, carried out in the course of thesis project. Research results of the sub-national government structure of Lithuania and of the competence of local municipalities and county governors’ institutions are presented and summarized. Based on the conducted... [to full text]

The pedracista electoral coalition that was formed in Mexico during the 1828 presidential elections was deliberately ignored by the traditional historiography of the early national period. Instead it concentrated on the leaders of the liberal struggle, deeming this alliance unworthy of study. There were essentially two key reasons why this happened. On the one hand, General Manuel Gómez Pedraza (1789-1851) was not an archetypal liberal patriot in the mould of those heroes that were exalted and written about by Mexico’s Porfirian and PRIísta historians. His politics were associated with a certain ideological indeterminateness as a result of his moderate stance, proving problematic to historians who were intent on developing a liberal and subsequently post-revolutionary historia patria. On the other hand, the official historiography accepted, unquestioningly, the critical version of his actions that his opponents circulated at the time. As a result of this, the yorkino version of the events is the one that prevailed, casting Pedraza in the role of staunch anti-yorkino in a simplistic bipartisan vision of Mexican politics that depicted the political tensions of the time as a clear-cut confrontation between the pedracista aristocrats and the democratic yorkino followers of mulatto hero of the War of Independence, General Vicente Guerrero (1783-1831). This two-dimensional dichotomy has only recently started to be nuanced by the revisionist historiography of the last thirty years. This has been due, in great measure, to the fact that the traditional interpretation of the pedracista coalition posed a number of significant problems when attempting to understand the political behaviour of the people involved. Above all, it was an interpretation that proved incapable of explaining how such a variety of political tendencies, represented by those individuals who joined the alliance that backed Pedraza’s presidential candidacy, could have come together; i.e., anti-masonic groups, the imparciales, certain yorkinos and former escoceses. This thesis aims to explain what brought these individuals, whose political ideas were ostensibly incompatible, together, in what resulted in a particularly resourceful and successful electoral force. The pedracista coalition represented the first political formation in Mexico that came together specifically to win a presidential election. It was one which set out to bring an end to the political interference of Masonic societies in Mexico, and in particular, that of the Rite of York lodges. It also challenged the yorkinos’ electoral campaign by criticising their leader, Guerrero, and, by highlighting the negative aspects of their Masonic faction. It pointed out, moreover, the dangers inherent in a central administration led by guerrerista yorkinos and, in so doing, made clear the problems that were to be found in the political ideas these individuals stood for, depicting them as partisan, ignorant, and representative of the popular classes. The pedracista coalition argued that the presidency needed to go to someone who did not belong to any particular party, who was virtuous, who was renowned for being hard-working and energetic in government, and who belonged to the exclusive circles frequented by the “hombres de bien”. Given that Pedraza won the elections, it is evident that his coalition benefited from a constitutional structure that favoured his candidacy, gaining, at the same time, the public validation of the governmental authorities in place at the time. However, Pedraza’s candidacy was defeated by the armed mobilizations that ensued in the pronunciamientos pro-yorkino followers launched from October to November 1828, and was consequently eliminated from the political scene until late 1832 given that the leaders of the imparciales as well as Pedraza himself chose not to fight back or support a counter-revolution. During the electoral campaign, the pedracista coalition displayed, with astounding clarity, what it thought were the essential qualities a president needed to possess and, likewise presented a distinctive appreciation of how it thought the Mexican political class should behave. In this sense, the coalition’s views, captured in its votes, networks and press articles, offer a fascinating snapshot of what were the fundamental themes of the Mexican republic during its formative years as a nation-state, and how this ignored political grouping interpreted them. Of particular interest is the manner in which the pedracista coalition explored the ways in which political legitimacy, participation and representation were to be understood, defended, and systematised. By studying the pedracista coalition this thesis offers, for the first time, a detailed analysis of the nature and dynamics of Mexican politics in the mid-late 1820s, as experienced, discussed, and represented by the short-lasting yet effective alliance that was forged around the candidacy of Manuel Gómez Pedraza.

The ending of apartheid and the transformation process in South Africa, the transition to democracy brought with them fundamental changes to the form and function of the State. In particular, they bring a restructuring of co-operative governance and intergovernmental relations. The responsibilities, functions and powers of the three spheres of government (national, provincial and local) were changed and streamlined as stated in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa Act, 108 of 1996. The system of intergovernmental relations delineated in the Constitution differs significantly from that of the previous dispensation, particularly in its ambitions to advance democracy and to improve service delivery to all South Africans. Of particular significance is the respect in the fact that instead of the inherently conflicting intergovernmental relations that characterises most modern states, the Constitution actively promotes co-operation between different levels of government. The Intergovernmental Relations Framework Act, 13 of 2005 was promulgated on 15 August 2005. The Act provides for an institutional framework for the three spheres of government to facilitate coherent government, effective provision of services, monitoring the implementation of policy and legislation, and realisation of developmental goals of government as a whole. All spheres of government must provide effective, efficient, transparent, accountable and coherent government in order to ensure the progressive realisation of constitutional rights. One of the most pervasive challenges facing the country as a developmental state is the need for government to redress poverty, underdevelopment, marginalisation of people and communities and other legacies of apartheid and discrimination. This challenge can only be addressed through a concerted effort by government in all spheres to work together and integrate as far as possible their actions in the provision of service, alleviation of poverty and development of the communities. Co-operation and integration of actions in government depends on a stable and effective system of intergovernmental relations, one in which each of the spheres respect the relative autonomy of the other whilst appreciating the interrelatedness and interdependence of the three spheres. The study elaborated on the research as well as the research problem. In so doing, it further looked at the historical overview of the transition to a democratic South Africa which brought a significant change in the reconfiguration of the state. The studies further deals with a critique of co-operative governance and intergovernmental relations in the Eastern Cape and discuss the perspective on service delivery. In order to critically evaluate the notion of co-operative governance and intergovernmental relations in South Africa with specific reference to Eastern Cape, the study recommended that intergovernmental planning and budgeting, management of change, support and capacity building, communication and stakeholder engagement and institutional arrangement interventions be embarked upon. / Thesis (MBA)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2012.

Despite their prevalence, the study of Canadian minority governments has been the object of few published studies. In particular, the issue of how governments that must rely on the support of one or more opposition parties in Parliament manage to remain in power (viability) and pass their legislative proposals (effectiveness) has not been thoroughly investigated. This study examines the parliamentary dynamics at play in these situations by applying a majority building framework grounded in and supported by three theoretical perspectives, namely the rational choice tradition, new institutionalism, and the role of party politics and party systems, to four minority governments that have occurred in the last 50 years or so: 1- Diefenbaker (1957-1958), 2- Pearson (1963-1965); 3- Clark (1979-1980); and, 4- Harper (2006-2008). The data on the specific circumstances that held during these minority governments has been gathered from archival records, from the recorded debates and votes in the House of Commons, from previous Canadian studies on minority government, from political autobiographies, and from third party accounts of the events at the time. The study finds that majority building is a function of primarily two interrelated variables: 1- bargaining power (interparty dynamics and intra-party cohesion) and 2- agenda control (House business, confidence tests, other institutional features). It also stresses the importance of government concessions as an effective means of achieving desired goals and outcomes. Furthermore, this study highlights the capacity and skill of individual parliamentary actors in the exercise of legislative politics generally and in manipulating institutional and party system levers specifically, as a contributing factor to their government’s duration and legislative output. This study adds to the empirical knowledge of the minority experience in Canada and provides a conceptual framework to better understand legislative politics and its impact on the success of minority governments in Canada and elsewhere. / Malgré leur fréquence, les gouvernements minoritaires au Canada n’ont pas souvent fait l’objet d’études. En particulier, peu d’attention a été portée à la question de comment un gouvernement minoritaire réussi à obtenir l’appui d’un ou de plusieurs partis d’opposition dans le but de rester au pouvoir (viabilité) et de faire passer ses propositions législatives (efficacité). Notre étude examine les dynamiques parlementaires qui se déploient dans ses situations. Plus précisément, elle cherche à les comprendre à la lumière d’un modèle de stratégies menant au consensus sur un vote parlementaire. Ce modèle est fondé sur trois perspectives théoriques, soit la tradition du choix rationnel, le nouvel institutionnalisme et le rôle de la politique partisane et du système de partis. Nous étudions quatre gouvernements minoritaires des cinquante dernières années : 1- Diefenbaker (1957-1958), 2- Pearson (1963-1965), 3- Clark (1979-1980) et Harper (2006-2008). Nous avons accumulé nos données sur ces gouvernements minoritaires à partir de documents d’archives, de la transcription des débats et des votes à la Chambre des communes, d’études canadiennes sur les gouvernements minoritaires, d’autobiographies politiques et des souvenirs de tierces parties présentes lors du déroulement des événements que nous étudions. Notre étude identifie deux variables liées à la création de majorités législatives au Parlement, soit : 1- le pouvoir de négociation (la dynamique entre les partis et la cohésion à l’intérieur des partis) et, 2- le contrôle de l’agenda parlementaire (affaires découlant de la Chambre, les motions de confiance et d’autres facteurs institutionnels). De plus, elle identifie l’importance des concessions gouvernementales dans l’atteinte de ses objectifs. Notre étude souligne l’importance de la capacité et du doigté des joueurs parlementaires particuliers dans l’exercice de la politique législative en général et dans la manipulation des composantes institutionnelles et partisanes en particulier pour garantir la longévité et l’efficacité de leur gouvernement. Notre étude contribue à ajouter à notre connaissance de l’expérience minoritaire au Canada et nous offre un modèle nous permettant de mieux comprendre la politique législative et sa contribution au succès des gouvernements minoritaires au Canada et ailleurs.

Univ., Diss. u.d.T.: Ahrens, Stefan: Legitimität und Gründung--Oldenburg, 2004.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2004. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 529-554).

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Public Policy, Georgia Institute of Technology, 2008. / Committee Chair: Willoughby, Katherine; Committee Member: Eger, Robert; Committee Member: Kingsley, Gordon; Committee Member: Sjoquist, David; Committee Member: Wallace, Sally.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Mississippi State University. Department of Political Science and Public Administration. / Title from title screen. Includes bibliographical references.

This thesis examines some epistemic defences of democracy put forward by David Estlund, Michael Fuerstein, Cheryl Misak, and Fabienne Peter, as well as a critique of democracy raised by Jason Brennan. It then develops an epistemic defence of a moderately non-egalitarian system, which it proposes to call liberal trusteeship. According to the proposed theory, the power to draft laws ought to be separated from the power to enact those drafts into law. The former power ought to be vested in trustees, who are essentially specialists that have inquired extensively into a given matter, and the latter power ought to be vested in a democratically elected parliament. Subsequently, this thesis argues that parliament should nevertheless have the prerogative to ultimately override trustees on ethics and pass its own legislation regulating moral matters; that the criteria for selecting trustees should be determined by jury courts; and that parliament and jury courts should be given some powers to influence the composition of trustee committees, so that the political process can guard against the risk that trustees might be biased or corrupt. The above proposal is grounded on three principal claims. Firstly, this thesis argues that moral authority and legitimacy ought to be reserved for the political system that strikes the best balance between competence and equality. Secondly, it argues that liberal trusteeship is more likely than democracy to determine correctly what ought to be done in light of the progress of open and vigorous inquiry into a given matter. Thirdly, and as a result, it argues that liberal trusteeship is likely to exercise power sufficiently more competently than democracy, such that its moderate deviation from political equality will be justified. In the light of this, the thesis concludes that liberal trusteeship would strike a better balance between competence and equality than democracy.

Tax Law attempts to regulate the majority of possible circumstances, in order to achieve an effective taxing on what requires be taxed. Being the acquisition of recreational boats an increasingly frequent phenomenon, it’s necessary to apply the Tax to Recreational Boats and to understand this tax in the light of the Peruvian legislation. On this occasion, the author analyzes the current situation of the imposition to these movable goods, through the interpretation and even questioning of its legal basis: the Law of Municipal Taxation and the regulation of the Tax to Recreational Boats. / El Derecho Tributario intenta regular la mayoría de circunstancias posibles para gravar efectivamente aquello que requiera imposición. Siendo la adquisición de embarcaciones de recreo un fenómeno cada vez más frecuente, surge la necesidad de aplicar el Impuestoa las Embarcaciones de Recreo y de entender esta carga a la luz de la normativa peruana. En esta oportunidad, el autor analiza la situación actual de la imposición a estos bienes muebles, a través de la interpretación de su base legal: La Ley de Tributación Municipal yel Reglamento del Impuesto a las Embarcaciones de Recreo.