Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The introduction of provinces in South Africa since 1994 has not only provided for a new level of decision making but also a change dynamic generated by the integration of different government administrations of the second tier of Government. The original integration problems of the different administrations also extended the inquiry to the importance of greater efficiency and effectiveness of the Provincial level of Government. Since the commencement of provinces many questions have been raised such as; why are provinces unable to provide the requisite services expected of them; why are provinces unable to succeed in implementation of their aims and objectives; should provinces empower rather than serve communities; should the public service be driven by mission statements and success! performance criteria rather than bureaucratic rules; should the provincial government be anticipatory i.e. strategically focused, rather than reactive and crisis management driven. Are provincial governments necessary or can the services be provided more cost effectively by privatisation. All the above questions raises the central inquiry of what structural and systemic changes are necessary to make the provincial administration more effective and efficient in delivery of services and what qualities of leadership will be necessary to enable this to happen. The study covers six chapters. In chapter one the theoretical basis is discussed in the provincial context. Chapter two is an Opportunity! Obstruction analysis of the North West Provinces and reaches the conclusion that transformation will not occur automatically and both structural and systematic changes will be required. Chapter four looks at the corporate rules of the Provincial Administration and by white papers, green papers, policy papers and regulations. Chapter five looks at the way forward. The overwhelming conclusions reached by the study is that: • Transformation would require both structural as well as systemic changes. • Leadership would need to be much more focused to succeed with transformation. • Efficiency would require a complete mindset change by civil servants. Effectiveness would require much greater co-ordination between budgeting and planning interfaced at the centre. Chapter six concludes the study by answering the hypothesis and the questions raised in the introductory chapter. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die instelling van nege provinsies in Suid-Afrika sedert 1994 het nie alleen 'n nuwe vlak van politieke besluitneming geskep nie, maar ook 'n nuwe veranderingsdinamika gegenereer met die integrasie van verskillende staatsadministrasies op die tweede vlak van regering. Die aanvanklike probleme met die integrasie van verskillende administrasies het ook die soeklig laat val op die noodsaaklikheid van groter effektiwiteit en doelmatigheid van die vlak van regering. Sedert die provinsies begin funksioneer het, is baie vrae oor hulle voortbestaan gevra soos byvoorbeeld: waarom slaag die provinsies nie in hulle diensleweringsfunksies nie; waarom kan die provinsies nie hulle doelwitte en doelstellings implementeer nie; moet die provinsies gemeenskappe bemagtig of dien; moet die provinsies burokratiese reels volg of uitsetgedrewe wees; moet provinsiale adrninistrasies strategies-antisiperend in hulle benadering wees of reaktiefadministratief en is provinsiale administrasies enigsinds nodig, of kan die meeste dienste meer koste-effektief geprivatiseer word? Al die bogenoemde vrae het dus die sentrale vraag laat ontstaan oor wat die strukturele en sisterniese veranderings is wat nodig sal wees om 'n provinsiale administrasie in staat te stel om te voldoen aan groter effektiwiteit en dienslewering en watter leierskapskwaliteite daaraan gekoppel kan word. Die studie ontplooi in ses hoofstukke. In hoofstuk een word die teoretiese uitgangspunte en die provinsiale konteks bespreek. Hoofstuk twee bevat 'n geleentheid-bedreigingsanalise van die Noordwes Provinsie en het tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat verandering nie vanselfsprekend sal plaasvind nie en dat daar sisterniese en strukturele intervensies sal moet plaasvind. Hoofstuk drie fokus op die strukturele aspekte wat die gang van die Noordwes Provinsie bepaal soos dit manifesteer in onder andere alle tersaaklike wetgewing, witskrifte, groenskrifte, beleid en regulasies. Hoofstuk vier bied 'n sisterniese analise van die Noordwes Provinsiale bedeling en hoofstuk vyf beskryf die moontlike weg vorentoe. Ten slotte word daar 'n gevolgtrekking in hoofstuk ses aangebied. Die oorwoë gevolgtrekking waartoe die studie kom is dat die mees ideale pad vorentoe vir provinsiale bedelings langs vier weë gesoek moet word t.w.: • Daar moet meer aandag aan transformasie gegee word en dit sal beide strukturele en sisterniese veranderinge behels. • Daar moet baie meer op leierskap gefokus word ten einde die transformasieproses te laat slaag. • Om groter effektiwiteit te bereik sal daar 'n verskuiwing in die ingesteldheid (mindset) van staatsamptenare gemaak moet word. • Ten einde groter doelmatigheid in die Noordwes Provinsie te bereik sal daar baie beter integrasie tussen beplanningsfunksies en begrotingsfunksies moet plaasvind.

The Public Works Tax Deduction Law has been enacted to foster public investment at a local and regional level by including participation from the private sector and through the subscription of agreements with local and regional governments.Nonetheless its noble purposes, in the application field of the Law, normative gaps are put into evidence, which impede its practical application. In the present article, the author shows which are the Law’s deficiencies, while analyzing them and proposing possible solutions. / La Ley de Obras por Impuestos tiene como objetivo principal impulsar la inversión pública de impacto regional y local, con la participación del sector privado, mediante la suscripción de convenios con los gobiernos regionales y/o locales.No obstante su noble propósito, en el ámbito aplicativo de la ley se evidencian ciertos vacíos normativos que dificultan su aplicación práctica. Es así que –en el presente artículo– la autora nos muestra cuáles son estas deficiencias a la vez que, luego de hacer un análisis de las mismas, nos propone posibles soluciones.

Submitted by Patrícia Laczynski de Souza (patricialac@gmail.com) on 2012-03-23T15:51:09Z No. of bitstreams: 1 tese_patricia_laczynski.pdf: 1279465 bytes, checksum: 998d04cf432e4dbc2b51e9fcb3057cc2 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Gisele Isaura Hannickel (gisele.hannickel@fgv.br) on 2012-03-23T18:19:47Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 tese_patricia_laczynski.pdf: 1279465 bytes, checksum: 998d04cf432e4dbc2b51e9fcb3057cc2 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-03-23T18:26:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 tese_patricia_laczynski.pdf: 1279465 bytes, checksum: 998d04cf432e4dbc2b51e9fcb3057cc2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-02-24 / This piece of work aims to answer the two following questions: are consortia regional arrangements capable of carrying out policies to fight inequality? Are consortia capable of thinking inter-municipal governance from the redistribution context? Considering that Brazil is one of the most unequal countries, the study sought to deepen the practical debate about inequality and search for ways - from sub-regions - to implement redistributive policies. The inequality discussed here approaches different dimensions considering not only the income perspective, but also the access to public services (health, education, housing), the inequality between municipalities (size, resources, population) and the geographical one. The redistributive policies are based on the work of the North American author Theodore Lowi, who created a model to distinguish distributive, regulatory and redistributive public policies based on the impact in the society and on the spaces for negotiation of conflicts. Experiences of redistributive policies applied to the actual Brazilian context are also discussed. Respecting the fact that the Federal Government has an important role in the implementation of redistributive policies, this piece of work has attempted, nevertheless, to comprehend the role of local governments in the reduction of inequalities. The object of analysis of this research are inter-municipal consortia, ‘organisations resulting from the willingness of significant political actors of different municipalities (mayors) to cooperate aiming to solve problems related to a specific thematic or sector’ (CALDAS, 2008). Brazilian consortia are arrangements for local and regional management and inter-municipal cooperation which have become institutionalised before the creation of a specific legislation (Law 11.107/05), characterising an inter-organisational structure that had already been consolidated. The methodology chosen was the study of four consortia in the field of development and health. The choice for these fields of action is justified by the fact that development is widely debated as a path to reduce poverty and health is the most advanced field of debate around equity in Brazil. The Vale do Paranapanema Inter-municipal Consortium (CIVAP) and the Vale do Ribeira Inter-municipal Consortium (CODIVAR) are both located in the State of São Paulo, were both created in 1980 and are among the first development consortia encouraged by the then-State Governor André Franco Montoro (1983-1986). The Production and Supply Intermunicipal Consortium (CINPRA) is located in the State of Maranhão, near the state capital. Created in 1997, it aims to stimulate the regional development from small rural producers. The Alto São Francisco Health Inter-municipal Consortium (CISASF) is the first inter- municipal consortium for health created in the State of Minas Gerais (in 1983) and seeks to decentralise and increase the services of specialised healthcare. One concludes that consortia are tools that empower municipalities to increase the access of the population to public services and, as a result, to improve the life quality of people with more equity and are also capable of implementing quasi-redistributive policies, once that their actions benefit a large group of society, but their costs are not originated from another specific social group, but from an entire region. Finally, one should complement that consortia will only consider this inter-municipal governance from a perspective of maturity of mayors and technicians involved in consortia, process that should be induced by federal or state governments. / Este trabalho objetiva responder a duas perguntas: será que os consórcios são arranjos regionais possíveis de efetivarem políticas de combate à desigualdade? Serão os consórcios capazes de pensar a governança intermunicipal, a partir da redistribuição? Como o Brasil é um dos campeões de desigualdade, procurou-se aprofundar a discussão prática da desigualdade e procurar caminhos a partir das sub regiões de se implementar políticas redistributivas. A desigualdade discutida aqui aborda várias dimensões, não se restringindo apenas ao ponto de vista da renda, mas considerando também o acesso a serviços públicos (saúde, educação, moradia), a desigualdade geográfica e entre municípios (tamanho, recursos, população). As políticas redistributivas são baseadas no autor norte-americano Theodore Lowi, que criou um modelo para distinguir as políticas públicas distributivas, regulatórias e redistributivas a partir do impacto na sociedade e do espaço das negociações dos conflitos. São discutidas ainda experiências de políticas redistributivas aplicadas à realidade atual brasileira. Respeitando que o governo federal tem um papel importante na implementação de políticas redistributivas, este trabalho procurou, no entanto, compreender o papel dos governos locais na diminuição das desigualdades. O objeto de análise da pesquisa são os consórcios intermunicipais, ‘organizações resultantes da disposição de cooperação dos atores políticos relevantes de diversos municípios (prefeitos) que decidem cooperar entre si para resolver problemas relativos a um tema ou a um setor específico’ (CALDAS, 2008). Os consórcios no Brasil são arranjos de gestão local e regional e de cooperação intermunicipal que se institucionalizaram antes da legislação criada (Lei 11.107/05), caracterizando uma figura interorganizacional já consolidada. Metodologicamente, foram realizados estudos de quatro consórcios nas áreas de desenvolvimento e saúde. A escolha destes temas de atuação dos consórcios se justifica porque o desenvolvimento é amplamente debatido como caminho para a redução da desigualdade e a saúde é o campo no Brasil onde a discussão sobre equidade está mais avançado. O Consórcio Intermunicipal do Vale do Paranapanema (CIVAP) e o Consórcio de Desenvolvimento Intermunicipal do Vale do Ribeira (CODIVAR) estão no Estado de São Paulo, foram criados na década de 1980 e fazem parte dos primeiros consórcios de desenvolvimento que o então Governador André Franco Montoro (1983-1986) estimulou no Estado. O Consórcio Intermunicipal de Produção e Abastecimento (CINPRA) está localizado no Maranhão, na região da capital. Criado em 1997, tem como objetivo estimular o desenvolvimento regional a partir dos pequenos produtores rurais. O Consórcio Intermunicipal de Saúde do Alto São Francisco (CISASF) é o primeiro consórcio intermunicipal de saúde criado no Estado de Minas Gerais (em 1983) e tem como proposta a descentralização e a ampliação do atendimento dos serviços especializados de saúde. Conclui-se que os consórcios são instrumentos que potencializam os municípios para ampliar o acesso da população a serviços públicos e, consequentemente, a melhorar a qualidade de vida das pessoas com mais equidade e são capazes de implementar políticas quase-redistributivas, uma vez que suas ações beneficiam um grupo muito grande da sociedade, mas o custo não se origina de outro grupo social específico, mas de toda uma região. Finalmente, cabe complementar que os consórcios só pensarão esta governança intermunicipal a partir de um processo de maturidade dos prefeitos e técnicos envolvidos com os consórcios, que deve ser induzido pelos governos federal ou estadual.

Submitted by Piero Bastos Gon (cleig@hotmail.com) on 2014-03-27T18:43:03Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação CAPES.pdf: 3134226 bytes, checksum: e83db9ca7aded0f31296918bfcb9cfb1 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by PAMELA BELTRAN TONSA (pamela.tonsa@fgv.br) on 2014-03-27T18:57:09Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação CAPES.pdf: 3134226 bytes, checksum: e83db9ca7aded0f31296918bfcb9cfb1 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-03-27T19:00:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação CAPES.pdf: 3134226 bytes, checksum: e83db9ca7aded0f31296918bfcb9cfb1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-02-26 / The history of the People’s Republic of China and the chinese communist party is a history of conflict between differents organizations and also inside them. Besides this scenario, since Deng XiaoPing there wasn’t any institutional rupture, even with the increase in complexity and number of interests’ groups. Based on the financial system’s reforms and in the long-term funding for local governments, this essay tries to show the different positions from the actors envolved in financial resources allocation, institutional changes and the urbanization project as the core aspect for the new government. These institutional and conflictive aspects between organizations are important because they shape the trade-off that structures the chinese economy and the future policies to be implemented. / A história da República Popular da China e do Partido Comunista Chinês é uma história de conflitos inter- e intraorganizacionais. Entretanto, desde a ascensão de Deng XiaoPing não houve uma ruptura institucional, apesar do número de interesses e a complexidade terem aumentado. Com base nas reformas no sistema financeiro e no financiamento de longo-prazo para os governos subnacionais, pretende-se demonstrar os conflitos que ocorrem entre os diferentes agentes que possuem interesses quanto a alocação dos recursos financeiros, as mudanças institucionais geradas para acomodar as diferentes demandas, e recentemente o projeto de urbanizar a população chinesa como um projeto político prioritário do novo governo. O aspecto institucional e conflitivo entre diferentes organizações provocam um trade-off que estrutura a economia chinesa e as futuras reformas e políticas públicas que serão implementadas.

Submitted by CELSO FLORÊNCIO DE SOUZA (celso.florencio@jacarei.sp.gov.br) on 2017-09-29T11:19:10Z No. of bitstreams: 1 CELSO FLORÊNCIO DE SOUZA - Completo.pdf: 2485152 bytes, checksum: fc3620179ebb52d47c4c099d412a5f50 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by ÁUREA CORRÊA DA FONSECA CORRÊA DA FONSECA (aurea.fonseca@fgv.br) on 2017-10-03T18:50:10Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 CELSO FLORÊNCIO DE SOUZA - Completo.pdf: 2485152 bytes, checksum: fc3620179ebb52d47c4c099d412a5f50 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-10-16T12:27:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 CELSO FLORÊNCIO DE SOUZA - Completo.pdf: 2485152 bytes, checksum: fc3620179ebb52d47c4c099d412a5f50 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-09-29 / This thesis follows the three-article model, having as its background power relations within the federations. The first article talks to the literature on federalism from the perspective of vertical power relations, with a view to understanding the relations between various levels of power. Although there is already a large body of literature on the theme, the theoretical gap of the first article consists of power rearrangements (centralization and decentralization), considering all players and not just this relation between central government and subnational governments. The second article is a reflection on horizontal power relations at the state level, with the following guiding question: “What are the causal conditions that lead some states to have increased political power before their peers?” To do this, two empirical cases of great representativeness were selected: Brazil and the United States of America (USA), analyzed since their independence having the path dependence literature as a basis, considering only causal conditions at the macro level. The third article is also inserted in the horizontal power relations, nevertheless, its analysis field consists in the Brazilian municipalities. The latter have great contemporary relevance, due to their key role in the execution of public policies. / Esta tese segue o modelo de três artigos, tendo como plano de fundo as relações de poder dentro das federações. O primeiro artigo dialoga com a literatura acerca do federalismo pela ótica das relações verticais de poder, com vistas a compreender as relações entre diferentes níveis de poder. Embora já exista ampla literatura relativa ao tema, a lacuna teórica do primeiro artigo consiste nos rearranjos de poder (centralização e descentralização), considerando todos os atores e não apenas essa relação entre governo central e governos subnacionais. O segundo artigo constitui uma reflexão sobre as relações horizontais de poder no plano estadual, com a seguinte questão norteadora: “Quais são as condições causais que levam alguns estados a ter um aumento de poder político perante seus pares?”. Para tanto, foram selecionados dois casos empíricos de grande representatividade: Brasil e Estados Unidos da América (EUA), analisados desde sua independência com base na literatura de rota dependência, considerando apenas condições causais no nível macro. O terceiro artigo também está inserido nas relações horizontais de poder, no entanto, seu campo de análise consiste nos municípios brasileiros. Estes apresentam grande relevância contemporânea, devido ao seu papel fundamental na execução de políticas públicas.

The release of ex-president Nelson Mandela on 10 February 1990, introduced transformation in South Africa. The road to transformation, in a post apartheid era, placed pressure and demands on the social work profession and the professionals. Change was inevitable (Lesnik 1997:164) while the inequities and the disparities of the past had to be eliminated and replaced with transformed services. This study explores the transformational challenges experienced in contemporary social work practice at The Department of Social Development, Johannesburg, South Africa. A non-probability sample was selected (Babbie and Mouton 2004:166). A combination of the qualitative and the quantitative approaches, with more emphasis on the quantitative approach was utilized. Questionnaires were used for data collection and analysis was done according to the framework as described by Tesch in De Vos et al., (1998:343). The transformational challenges were identified and guidelines are drafted to assist in addressing the identified challenges. / Social Work / M.Diac. (Social Work)

This study is a critical examination of the complex search for peace, reconciliation and unity in Zimbabwe between the years 1978 and 2008, with a view to identify factors that have been blocking sustainable peace, national unity, reconciliation and development. It is a qualitative study which draws data from document analysis and oral interviews. The specific focus of the study is an analysis of the four peace agreements signed in this period namely; the 1978 Internal Settlement, the 1979 Lancaster House Agreement, the 1987 Unity Accord and the 2008 Global Political Agreement. Its central thesis is that coloniality in its multifaceted invisible forms is largely responsible for conflicts that have engulfed Zimbabwe and for compromising the chances of success of the four peace agreements. Coloniality has produced a ‘postcolonial’ leadership that has continued to practice politics in a violent, repressive, corrupt and unaccountable manner because of interpellation by the very immanent logic of colonialism that reproduces such inimical practices as racism, tribalism, regionalism and patriarchy. Theoretically, the study deploys de-colonial epistemic perspective in its endeavour to unmask and explain challenges to peace, unity, reconciliation and development in Zimbabwe. Finally, the thesis makes a strong case for pursuit of decoloniality as the panacea to conflicts and as an approach to conflict resolution and peace building that privileges decolonization and deimperialization so that Zimbabwe’s development goals could be achieved. / Development Studies / D. Litt. et Phil. (Development Studies)

Advances in information technology (IT) and the global shift from governance to e-governance in the public sector have motivated Uganda to put in place a robust information communication technology (ICT) infrastructure to enhance citizen access to e-information and information flow for e-governance in its local governments. However, this has not been realized due to a lack of functional information systems. This study investigated critical issues in information access and flow in Isingiro district and Mbarara municipality – two of Uganda’s upper local governments – with the aim of modeling an information system to support e-governance in these governments. Rooted in a pragmatist epistemology with an orientation towards mixed methods research (MMR), the study adopted a methodological triangulation technique. A convergent design was adopted that involved the concurrent collection and analysis of quantitative and qualitative data. A random sampling scheme was used to select 360 participants from 8 study sites for a questionnaire survey, while a purposive sampling scheme was used to select 64 people to participate in 8 focus group discussions (FGDs) and 25 in key informant interviews. The findings of the study indicate that citizen access to e-governance information in the local governments is low. Information flow to the citizens is constrained by lack of affordable media outlets, so the local governments are forced to keep frequency of government to citizen (G2C) communication to a bare minimum. Worse still, government communication lacks formal programming: neither is it based on an information needs assessment of the citizens nor does it have a feedback mechanism. There are also myriad factors breeding inequality and social disadvantage within the communities that constrain citizen access to ICT tools and e-skills. The findings show also that the current e-governance models are ICT-intensive and highly reliant on the Internet, so they require higher e-skills levels and higher diffusion of ICT tools than those currently available in developing countries. The models are also largely civil society oriented. However, a SWOT analysis shows that the local governments have the capacity to implement a home-grown, hybrid e-governance system of information access and flow. The study recommends inter alia that the local governments establish their own broadcasting services, base their public communications on citizen e-information needs, and design multi-media communication strategies combining traditional and convergent media. More importantly, the study recommends the implementation of an interactive, hybrid and multimedia e-governance information system, whose model it articulates. / Information Science / D. Litt. et Phil. (Information Science)

Submitted by Maria Medeiros (maria.dilva1@ufcg.edu.br) on 2018-07-24T14:14:14Z No. of bitstreams: 1 NIVALTER AIRES DOS SANTOS - DISSERTAÇÃO (PPGCS) 2017.pdf: 3960223 bytes, checksum: 6a87f984c583012ab3a23a7aa30f5cf6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-24T14:14:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 NIVALTER AIRES DOS SANTOS - DISSERTAÇÃO (PPGCS) 2017.pdf: 3960223 bytes, checksum: 6a87f984c583012ab3a23a7aa30f5cf6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-07 / Capes / Objetivamos com esse trabalho estudar os limites da Política Nacional de Desenvolvimento Regional dos governos petistas, com o duplo interesse de avaliar o alcance da política dentro do que ela se propõe e também mostrar os limites da própria política. Para atingir ao objetivo proposto, realizamos uma vasta revisão bibliográfica sobre aspectos diversos da questão regional brasileira e das políticas de desenvolvimento regional dos diferentes períodos – (1960-1985), (1985-2002) e (2003-2015) – mobilizando o referencial teórico para compreensão do movimento histórico. Atentando diretamente ao nosso objeto de investigação – as políticas de desenvolvimento regional dos governos petistas – fizemos uma leitura crítica dos documentos produzidos pelo Ministério da Integração Nacional com as propostas de política, além disso, fizemos um mapeamento em jornais eletrônicos em busca de informações atualizadas que nos pudesse dar pistas sobre o andamento dessas políticas e os dilemas políticos no âmbito do Ministério da Integração. Por fim um levantamento de dados de natureza econômica e social, como participação do PIB nordestino no PIB brasileiro, nível de desemprego, nível de analfabetismo, entre outros, num esforço de avaliar a efetividade dessas políticas, mapeando o que avançou e o que não saiu do papel. Os resultados da pesquisa nos mostram que as obras de ampliação e modernização da infraestrutura e logística regional de maneira geral têm estado em atraso e não têm cumprido o papel para o qual foram pensadas. Além disso, percebe-se falta de motivação, de interesse de classe para que a política se firme, a política macroeconômica adotada pelo governo, que atende aos interesses da fração hegemônica no bloco no poder – o grande capital financeiro internacional e nacional – impõe limites às políticas de desenvolvimento. E também, a aposta nas instituições para resolver os dilemas da população nordestina, impede que se perceba que a reprodução das condições de pobreza das classes subalternas está relacionada com a manutenção do poder das classes dominantes locais, e que o atraso nordestino faz parte do processo de desenvolvimento desigual do próprio capitalismo periférico, e sua relação com a divisão nacional do trabalho, e a divisão internacional do trabalho que o Brasil está submetido. / The objective of this work is to study the limits of the “Política Nacional de Desenvolvimento Regional” of the PT governments, with the double interest of evaluating the scope of the policy within which it proposes, and also show the limits of the policy itself. In order to reach the objective, we carried out a vast bibliographical review on different aspects of the Brazilian regional question and the regional development policies of the different periods mobilizing the theoretical reference for understanding the historical movement. Directly addressing our research object – the regional development policies of the PT governments – we have made a critical reading of the various documents produced by the Ministry of National Integration with the policy proposals. We also did an mapping in electronic newspapers in search of updated information that could give us clues about the progress of these policies, like the political dilemmas within the Ministry of Integration. And finally a survey of data of an economic and social nature, as well as Northeaster GDP in the Brazilian GDP, level of Unemployment, level of illiteracy, among others, in an effort to evaluate the effectiveness of these policies by mapping what has actually progressed and what has not left the paper. The results show us that the expansion and modernization of the infrastructure and regional logistics in general have been delayed and has not fulfilled the role for which they were intended. It is also perceived lack of motivation, of interest of classes for policy to be firm, the macroeconomic policy adopted by the government, serves the interests of the hegemonic fraction in the power bloc - the great international and national financial capital - imposes limits to the policies of development. And the belief in institutions to solve the dilemmas of the Northeaster population prevents the perception that the reproduction of the poverty conditions of the subaltern classes is related to the maintenance of the power of the local dominant classes and that the Northeaster backwardness is part of the process of uneven development of peripheral capitalism itself, and its relation to the national division of work, and the international division of work that Brazil is subjected to.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:14:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 4334.pdf: 1106898 bytes, checksum: f4eb1ee25fbd44abb2f597435f8d918b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-02-28 / Financiadora de Estudos e Projetos / This study aims to understand the process of formation and incorporation of climate agenda in environmental and urban policy areas of São Paulo, including contextualizing and the formulation of the law that established the Climate Change Policy in São Paulo (Law 14,933 of June 5, 2009). To do so, based on theoretical assumptions of agenda-setting, we will hold: a literature review of international literature on the mode of action of ICLEI's CCP campaign, qualitative analysis of interviews with some actors who participated in the formulation of the law; survey of the actions converging local municipality to tackling global climate change, and analysis of organizations and instruments created by law. We found that the climate agenda is being built gradually in urban and environmental policy of the city of São Paulo, since 2003, when the municipality joined the Cities Campaign for Climate Protection of Transnational Network of Local Governments, ICLEI and as a result, produced its first inventory of greenhouse gases emissions (GHGs). With the publication of the inventory in 2005, the City received indications of its priorities regarding GHG mitigation. We identified that between the years 2005 to 2007, the political actions in dealing with an interface to local causes and consequences of climate change were expanded in São Paulo. The implementation of urban and environmental policies with climate agenda provided a political learning that led to the formulation of the law 14,933. The law, in turn, provided an institutional legacy that structure the definition of policy problems, policy formulation and the influence of outside groups for the continued inclusion of the climate agenda in the formulation of policies in the municipality. / Esse trabalho tem por objetivo entender o processo de formação e incorporação da agenda climática na política ambiental e urbana do município de São Paulo, incluindo e contextualizando o processo de formulação da Lei que definiu a Política de Mudanças Climáticas do Município de São Paulo (lei 14.933 de 05 de junho de 2009). Para tanto, com base nos pressupostos teóricos de agenda-setting, realizamos: revisão bibliográfica da literatura internacional sobre o modo de atuação da campanha CPC do ICLEI; análise qualitativa de entrevistas com alguns atores que participaram no processo de formulação da lei; levantamento das ações locais do município convergentes com o enfrentamento das mudanças climáticas globais; e análise das organizações e instrumentos criados pela lei. Observamos que a agenda climática vem sendo construída paulatinamente na política ambiental e urbana do município de São Paulo, desde 2003, quando a Prefeitura aderiu à Campanha Cidades para Proteção do Clima da Rede Transnacional de Governos Locais ICLEI e, como resultado, elaborou seu primeiro inventário de emissões de gases de efeito estufa (GEE). Com a publicação do inventário em 2005, o Município obteve indicações das suas prioridades quanto à mitigação de GEE. Identificamos que, entre os anos de 2005 a 2007, as ações políticas com interface no enfrentamento às causas e consequências locais das mudanças climáticas foram ampliadas no município de São Paulo. A implementação de políticas urbanas e ambientais aderentes à agenda climática proporcionou um aprendizado político que possibilitou a formulação da lei 14.933. A lei, por sua vez, proporcionou um legado institucional que estrutura a definição dos problemas políticos, a formulação de políticas e a influência de grupos externos para a contínua inserção da agenda climática na formulação de políticas no município.