<p>Background: From the beginning of the 60´s until the beginning of the 80´s the swedish local government has expand enourmously. The expansion didn´t lead to any discussions about how the local government should be controlled or organized. The local government should instead be organized and controlled as administrations. Lately it has became more usual to have these discussions about how local government should be controlled and organized. Nowadys it´s not unusual that local governments imitate private companies. </p><p>Purpose: The purpose of this thesis is to analyze how local governments have had the possibility to use Balanced Scorecard. </p><p>Limitations: We have only analyzed how local governments have had the opportunity to use Kaplan&Nortons original model about Balanced Scorecard. </p><p>Method: We have performed a case study, where we have carried out eight interviews with a total of ten respondents from four local governments and Svenska Kommunförbundet. We have also used internal documents, Internet and already written literature concerning Balanced Scorecard. We have also used local governments respective private companies characteristics. </p><p>Results: Local governments characteristics result in that the original model about Balanced Scorecard, can´t be used in local governments as it is performed by Kaplan&Norton. It´s still possible to use the basic idea of the model, but it has to be adapted to local governments conditions.</p>

Fiscal stress is an important and recurring problem that states face. Research to date on state fiscal stress involves, predominantly, cross-sectional and case study analyses and does not address the effectiveness of state responses. Many of these studies use different definitions and measures of fiscal stress compounding the difficulty of comparing fiscal stress findings. The present research effort adds to the fiscal stress literature by (1) clarifying the meaning of fiscal stress in the state context, (2) developing a measure of fiscal stress that operationalizes this meaning and is comparable across units, and 3) using this measure analyzes patterns in and the effectiveness of state responses. Fiscal stress is measured using four indexes: budget, cash, long-run, service-level. Eleven financial indicators, calculated using data from state Comprehensive Annual Financial Reports (CAFRs), are used to create these indexes for all fifty states for the years 2002-2009. Descriptive analysis compares state fiscal stress levels (grouped into low, moderate, and high fiscal stress by cluster analysis) to state economic growth rates, state responses, and institutional factors yielding several findings. First, states do not use an incremental or punctuated equilibrium strategy in responding to fiscal stress; nor do their responses follow the pattern predicted by Cutback Management theory. Second, institutional factors affect both the levels of fiscal stress and state responses to fiscal stress. Regression analysis supports and extends these findings. First, short-term responses of expenditure cuts, tax increases, and rainy day fund use do not affect state fiscal stress levels. Second, these responses have long-term effects on fiscal stress levels. A major implication of this research is that there is very little states can do in the short-term to reduce fiscal stress. However, by balancing expenditures and revenues states can set themselves up to weather the next economic downturn with lower levels of fiscal stress.

After Hitler invaded France in 1940, the leadership of the German Social Democratic party, the SPD, decided to accept an official invitation from the British Labour party and come to England. In 1941 London became the recognised seat of the Executive, where there was also a rank and file membership. At first the SPD leaders were given considerable moral and financial support and they believed they would be able to aid the Allied war effort and influence British thinking on Germany. They also applied themselves to the construction of new policies to ensure the survival of the party and to enable it to direct German affairs if and when Hitler had been defeated. By 1942, however, the SPD's work was not meeting with success. The Labour party began to adopt a hostile attitude towards it and, in marked contrast to its earlier practice, the Foreign Office no longer collaborated with German political exiles. The final challenge to the SPD came in 1943 from the German Communists who wished to create a unified Socialist party after Hitler. Faced with political extinction in London, the SPD nevertheless managed to survive. Although it was seriously weakened by 1945, it was strong enough to offer the young Federal Republic loyal support. The failure to cooperate successfully with British authorities during its exile, however, created many difficulties for post-war European Social Democracy. A number of problems are explored in this thesis. They include the wisdom of both Foreign Office and Labour party policy towards the SPD and the people of Germany during the Second World War. Serious confusion was caused by first maintaining and then abandoning the distinction between Nazis and Germans. The nature of exile as a specific form of political activity is also examined especially in the light of the determination of the exiled leaders to return to Germany and achieve power there. Finally, some wider conclusions are drawn about the SPD, its survival in the War and its historical continuity.

Dissertation (D.P.H.)--University of Michigan.

Thesis (doctoral)--Philipps-Universität Marburg, 2003. / "Kurzbiografien: Frauen in den Landtagen der Bundesrepublik Deutschland 1946 bis 1960"--P. 302-340. Includes bibliographical references (p. 282-296).

Dissertation (D.P.H.)--University of Michigan.

This thesis examines the relation between subnational autonomies, that is to say regional and local authorities and the norms they create, and European Union law. The existence of local and regional autonomies within the various Member States of the EU is a factual truth. We know that they exist and co-exist with other levels of public authority, themselves generating norms. Yet, on its surface European Union law does not devise any substantive understanding of such autonomies. This stands in stark contrast to the relation between the Member States and the EU, which is governed by a complex catalogue of Treaty rules. As a consequence of European integration, however, subnational autonomies and EU law do interact, so that the latter cannot simply ignore the existence of the former. This thesis sets out to determine the contours of their mutual relation through an analysis of EU procedural and substantive law. It uncovers that the relation between subnational autonomies and EU law is multifarious and diverges depending on whether we look at the surface of EU law, that is to say the Treaties, or whether we look below its surface, at the Court of Justice's rich case law or soft law instruments of the Commission. I map this conclusion through a modelling approach, relying on what I term the 'Insider Model' and the 'Outsider Model' respectively. These models underline that, in some areas of EU law, SNAs are seen to be outsiders to the project of European integration whereas other areas recognise SNAs and especially their norms to be the insiders of that project. The coexistence of both models forces us intellectually to rearrange things. It challenges our 'constitutional imagination'. The key to understanding the coexistence of both models can be found in the evolution of EU law itself. While the Outsider Model remains attached to the public international law origins of the EU Treaties, the Insider Model captures the reality that not only States and citizens, but also SNAs, are integrated into the EU legal order.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T16:15:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silvia Leticia Marques Soares.pdf: 1204304 bytes, checksum: 3eaa9c2f07179c5abde9c3acd3ce96ad (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-02-08 / The decade of 1950 was marked by countless transformations, social, political and economic, arising from industrialization underway in Brazil. Some sectors of society, such as the political elites and a group of intellectuals, who felt the need to think about the educational policies understanding the educational process as a key dimension of the Brazilian reality through publications of many jobs. Thus, was created in july 14, 1955, the ISEB (Superior Institute of Brazilian Studies), still in government Cafe Filho, but started its activities in the command of Juscelino Kubitschek. It was an institute attached to the Ministry of Education and Culture (MEC), but enjoyed administrative autonomy and its members had freedom of research. It had intended to be a place of studies and debates to discuss the development of Brazil. Reflections were oriented to the realm of Social Sciences such as: Economics, Philosophy, Sociology, History and Politics, and from them, he sought to introduce the debate, dialog with the society through lectures on important institutes in season and yet, conferences in São Paulo, sponsored by the Center of the Federation of Industries (FIESP). His main works were: the publication of books, articles, newspapers and the holding of conferences, in addition to São Paulo, in other cities, such as Brasilia and Rio de Janeiro. By being composed of intellectuals of different ideological strands have emerged many clashes of ideas, which, consequently, has caused several crises within the institute. Some, such as Helio Jaguaribe, argued that the introduction of a process of development would like toward the industrial bourgeoisie. In view of the foregoing, this research investigated the educational role of the Institute, through the analysis of its publications and the courses he taught. The proposal if he gave in order to understand its two moments: the first, during the government of Juscelino Kubitschek, and the second, in the government of Joao Goulart, seeking to qualify ideological and pedagogically each one of them. The study showed that the Institute had a pedagogical dimension which, in spite of not being described in its bylaws, it was implicit in their publications, courses and lectures. / A década de 1950 foi marcada por inúmeras transformações, sociais, políticas e econômicas, decorrentes da industrialização em curso no Brasil. Alguns setores da sociedade, como as elites políticas e um grupo de intelectuais, sentiram a necessidade de pensar as políticas educacionais entendendo o processo educacional como dimensão essencial da realidade brasileira por meio de publicações de numerosos trabalhos. Assim, foi criado no dia 14 de julho de 1955, o ISEB (Instituto Superior de Estudos Brasileiros), ainda no governo Café Filho, mas iniciou suas atividades no mandato de Juscelino Kubitschek. Era um instituto ligado ao Ministério da Educação e Cultura (MEC), porém gozava de autonomia administrativa e seus integrantes possuíam liberdade de pesquisa. Tinha como objetivo ser um local de estudos e debates para discutir o desenvolvimento do Brasil. Eram reflexões voltadas para o âmbito das Ciências Sociais como: Economia, Filosofia, Sociologia, História e Política, e a partir delas, buscava-se instaurar o debate, dialogar com a sociedade mediante palestras em institutos importantes na época e ainda, conferências em São Paulo, patrocinadas pelo Centro da Federação das Indústrias (FIESP). Seus trabalhos principais foram: a publicação de livros, artigos, jornais e a realização de conferências, além de São Paulo, em outras cidades, como Brasília e Rio de Janeiro. Por ser constituído de intelectuais de diferentes vertentes ideológicas, emergiam muitos atritos de ideias, o que, consequentemente, provocou várias crises dentro do instituto. Alguns, como Hélio Jaguaribe, defendiam que a instauração de um processo de desenvolvimento teria como direção a burguesia industrial. Em face do exposto, esta pesquisa investigou o papel pedagógico do ISEB, por meio da análise de suas publicações e dos cursos por ele ministrados. A proposta se deu no sentido de compreender seus dois momentos: o primeiro, durante o governo de Juscelino Kubitschek, e o segundo, no governo de João Goulart, buscando qualificar ideológica e pedagogicamente cada um deles. O estudo evidenciou que o ISEB possuía uma dimensão pedagógica, a qual, apesar de não estar descrita em seu estatuto, encontrava-se implícita em suas publicações, cursos e palestras.

Orientador: Prof. Dr. Lúcio Nagib Bittencourt / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal do ABC. Programa de Pós-Graduação em Políticas Públicas, 2017. / Este trabalho trata da experiência de Iguape, município situado no litoral sul de São Paulo, na preservação de seu conjunto urbano tombado pelos órgãos de patrimônio cultural estadual Condephaat e federal IPHAN, por meio de ações promovidas direta ou indiretamente pelo governo local, mediante a interação e articulação com vários outros atores atuantes no local. O objetivo é discutir o papel desse nível de governo no campo do patrimônio, analisando-se as relações intergovernamentais (RIGs) estabelecidas entre as três esferas federativas e também entre Estado e sociedade (RES). O trabalho tem como base principal pesquisa de campo, constituída por visitas, entrevistas e conversas com os agentes envolvidos na experiência de Iguape. Busca-se contribuir com reflexões que permitam o diálogo com a literatura de políticas públicas e de patrimônio, ambas ainda restritas quando se refere à ação de governos locais na preservação de conjuntos urbanos tombados, particularmente quando situados em pequenos municípios no Brasil. / This work deals with the experience of Iguape, a municipality located on the south coast of São Paulo, in the preservation of its historical urban center by state and federal cultural cultural heritage bodies Condephaat and IPHAN, respectively through actions promoted directly or indirectly by local government, through the interaction and articulation with several other actors in place. The objective is to discuss the role of this level of government in the field of cultural heritage public policies, analyzing the intergovernmental relations established among the three federative spheres and also between State and society. The work is based mainly on field research, through visits, interviews, and chats with the agents involved in the experience in Iguape. It aims to contribute with reflections to the literature of public policies and cultural heritage, both still restricted when it refers to the action of local governments in the preservation of historical urban settlements, particularly when located in small municipalities in Brasil.

In the context of the financial crisis of the last years,a centralizing tendency has grown, leaving asidethe attribution of powers to Regional Governments. The margin of the economic intervention of those entities has been reduced to the management and  implementation of the solutions previously developed and imposed by the Central Government.In this article, the outstanding author presents us a legal analysis, on the basis of the Italian case, as to whether it is reasonable to chase social-economic development, excluding the system of local self-governments, or relegating them to a purely passive role. / En el contexto de la crisis financiera de los últimosaños, se ha dado una tendencia centralizadora queha dejado de lado la atribución de potestades a losGobiernos Regionales. El margen de intervencióneconómica de dichas entidades se ha visto reducido a la gestión y ejecución de soluciones desarrolladas e impuestas por el Gobierno Central.En este artículo, la destacada autora nos plantea un análisis jurídico, tomando como base el caso italiano, respecto a si es que es razonable perseguir el crecimiento económico-social, excluyendo el sistema de los gobiernos autónomos, o relegándolos a un rol meramente pasivo.