This diploma thesis presents a model of minority governments. In the theoretical part is the analysis of the political parties in parliament. Then there is a comparation of selected European countries in terms of how the governments are formated. The main part is given to the countries in which the minority governments are very frequent. In conclusion is mentioned the experience with minority governments in the Czech Republic.

This thesis looks at the problem of governance and statehood in Africa from an international law perspective. Adopting a comparative analytical research method, the thesis investigated the idea of statehood in traditional Africa and Europe, and highlighted conceptual differences. It traced the origin and nature of the post colonial African state to an oppressive and totalitarian colonial state; and the coalescence of international law with European civilization and reality. The argument is made that the international law framework on statehood and international solutions of intervention and democratization, are inadequate for dealing with the problems of statehood in Africa and its consequences such as state collapse. The thesis proposes the legitimization of the African post colonial state through a combination of a process of self determination and democratization. The pattern of self determination proposed seeks to give normative expression to an African state's reality by using the equilibrium of the peoples incorporation and disengagement from the state as an index for determining the role and relevance of the state. It is proposed that this index, in determining the ambits of the right to self determination of the constituent political units in a state, should entitle an African nation to a minimum of the right to self governance in a confederate system. In complimenting the foregoing legitimization process, the thesis proposes a democratic framework that is constructed on cultural foundations of endogenous democracy and development. / Law, Peter A. Allard School of / Graduate

This thesis has been pre-occupied with four major interconnected projects. The first of these was a search for an understanding of the nature of the crisis of structural legitimacy that currently afflicts the fragmented post-colonial African state, an enquiry that examines the nature of the very phenomena that the law has sought to regulate. The second was to understand the nature, and social effects, of the various doctrinal attitudes historically exhibited by international law and institutions toward the phenomenon of "socio-cultural fragmentation within established states". In this respect, I have sought to understand the ways in which certain doctrines of international law and institutions have provided powerful arguments, justifications or excuses for those states that have deemed it necessary to attempt to forge coercively, both a sense of common citizenship, and an ethos of national coherence, among their various component sub-state groups. The third was to chart the ongoing normative and factual transformation of the traditional approaches that international law and institutions have adopted toward that problem, and thereby map the extent to which these institutions have taken advantage of such innovations, enabling them to actually contribute to the effort to prevent and/or reduce the incidence of internecine strife in specific African contexts. And the last was to recommend a way forward that is guided by the conclusions of the thesis: a way in which these institution-driven transformations can be encouraged and consolidated in the specific context of African states. For purposes of brevity and the imperative need for focus, these enquiries have been conducted in the specific but somewhat allegorical context of Africa. It is hoped, however, that even this largely Africa-specific analysis has contributed to the advancement of knowledge regarding the general question of the relationship among the doctrines of international law, the activities of multilateral institutions, and the management of the problems of socio-cultural fragmentation and internecine strife within established states. / Law, Peter A. Allard School of / Graduate

Submitted by Irene Nascimento (irene.kessia@ufpe.br) on 2016-04-12T18:18:01Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) O (novo) desenvolvimentismo brasileiro - Bruno Freire Lira - 2015.pdf: 985709 bytes, checksum: d29eba885e4dcd8ed75b6550433f93e0 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-12T18:18:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) O (novo) desenvolvimentismo brasileiro - Bruno Freire Lira - 2015.pdf: 985709 bytes, checksum: d29eba885e4dcd8ed75b6550433f93e0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-24 / Capes / A pesquisa que trata esta dissertação de mestrado em Sociologia centra-se em uma crítica desconstrucionista a uma ideologia de desenvolvimento recente, denominada de (novo) desenvolvimentismo brasileiro (NDB), que foi alçada como uma alternativa as políticas neoliberais e ao nacional-desenvolvimentismo. Elaborada por intelectuais, principalmente economistas mais comprometidos com a construção de uma via heterodoxa da modernização brasileira, o (novo) desenvolvimentismo inspirou o projeto nacional petista, sendo parte integrante dos dois governos Lula (2003-2006; 2007-2010). Para viabilizarmos esta crítica desconstrucionista do discurso heterodoxo, decidimos analisar as contribuições de intelectuais colaboradores da Revista de Economia Política (REP), editada em São Paulo desde os anos oitenta, além de outros artigos e documentos sobre os governos Lula. Partimos, então, da hipótese de que essa alternativa não se propõe a um rompimento com o discurso economicista em voga, apenas idealiza um conjunto de políticas desenvolvimentistas que sugere a recuperação da capacidade gerencial do Estado alinhado com os preceitos mercadológicos. Aqui, a perspectiva decolonial é utilizada como arcabouço teórico-metodológico, permitindo compreender a dimensão mítica do crescimento econômico, principalmente em sociedades periféricas como a brasileira. Á luz da relação entre capitalismo e colonialidade é sugerido metodologicamente quatro marcadores decoloniais do desenvolvimento como parâmetros explicativos da realidade social: variáveis econômicas; crescimento econômico; mercado; e a questão nacional. A partir da abordagem decolonial, aprofundaremos o método da análise crítica do discurso (ACD) que possibilita enfatizar o ‗lugar de fala‘ do intelectual e a relação de poder e hegemonia entre dominantes e dominados. A análise metodológica ocorre em dois momentos: o primeiro restrito aos artigos da REP e a conformação do (novo) desenvolvimentismo; e o segundo ampliando o escopo de intelectuais, inclusive aqueles vinculados ao governo, identificando os contornos do NDB e sua participação nos dois governos Lula. Uma crítica de natureza sociológica deste debate ―heterodoxo‖ é fundamental para revelar como a leitura excessivamente abstrata que os economistas fazem da realidade social termina influindo negativamente sobre os rumos dos acontecimentos, desvirtuando as políticas públicas e desorientando a opinião pública. / The research mentioned in this dissertation in Sociology focuses on a deconstructionist criticism of a recently developed ideology, called (new) Brazilian developmentalism (NDB), which was raised as an alternative to the neoliberal and nationalist developmentalism policies. It was elaborated by intellectuals, mainly economists, who are more committed to building an unorthodox way of Brazilian modernization, the (new) developmentalism inspired PT national project, which was part of both Lula‘s governments (2003-2006; 2007-2010). To enable this deconstructionist criticism of unorthodox speech, we decided to analyze the contributions of Political Economy Magazine (REP) intellectuals, published in São Paulo since the eighties, as well as other articles and documents about the Lula government. We start with the hypothesis that this alternative does not propose a break with the economistic discourse in vogue, only idealizes a set of development policies suggesting the recovery of the State's management capacity aligned with market principles. Here, the decolonial perspective is used as a theoretical and methodological framework, allowing us to understand the mythic dimension of economic growth, especially in peripheral societies like the Brazilian one. In light of the relationship between capitalism and colonialism we've suggested methodologically four decolonial developmental markers as explanatory parameters of social reality: economic variables; economic growth; market; and the national question. From the colonialist approach, we deepen the method of critical discourse analysis (CDA) that makes it possible to emphasize the 'place of speech' of the intellectual and the relationship of power and hegemony between dominant and dominated. The methodological analysis occurs in two stages: the first restricted to REP articles and the conformation of the (new) developmentalism; and the second extending the intellectual scope, including those linked to the government, identifying the NDB contours and their participation in the two Lula governments. A critique of the sociological nature of this "unorthodox" debate is fundamental to revealing as too abstract the reading that economists make of social reality having a negative influence on the course of events, distorting public policy and disorienting public opinion.

Le Vietnam est un Etat-Parti administrativement centralisé. Fruit de l'Histoire du pays, cette centralisation administrative se conjugue pourtant malaisément avec l'urbanisation exponentielle des villes vietnamiennes. Moteurs de la croissance du pays et cœur de son attractivité économique depuis la politique du Đổi mới à la fin des années 80, les villes vietnamiennes connaissent pourtant d’importantes difficultés, liées au manque de décentralisation (administrative et financière) et au maintien d'une forte présence de l'Etat central. Cette décentralisation, inaboutie, est pourtant nécessaire pour, d'une part, gérer les phénomènes complexes découlant d'une urbanisation rapide et peu maitrisée (exode rural, gentrification, périurbanisation, extension des limites administratives des villes, gestion du foncier, accès aux services publics de base en milieu urbain, déplacements et transports, préservation des biens publics, qualité de l'air, logement, préservation de l'environnement, du patrimoine historique et culture, lutte contre les effets du changement climatique) et, d'autre part, le financement des infrastructures urbaines nécessaires au développement du pays et à son attractivité économique, pour lequel les besoins sont colossaux. Nous partons du principe que les collectivités locales, au Vietnam (en ce compris gouvernements locaux, sections locales du Parti communiste, sociétés publiques locales, opérateurs d’aménagement urbain publics) doivent constituer le support de la prise de décision, de l’action et du financement du développement urbain. Nous chercherons donc à répondre aux questions suivantes : Quel degré de décentralisation les collectivités locales vietnamiennes nécessitent-elles pour appréhender au mieux les phénomènes urbains ? Quel cadre juridique de gouvernance locale est nécessaire ? Quelle organisation administrative et quelle articulation entre échelons centraux et locaux en matière de développement urbain ?Notre étude cherchera à traduire juridiquement la place que les collectivités locales ont prise économiquement et socialement. Le but du présent travail de recherche est donc d’abord de démontrer en quoi les phénomènes urbains nécessitent des réponses avant tout locales puis d’analyser le cadre juridique qui entoure la prise de décision et le financement en matière de développement urbain. Ce travail s’inscrit donc dans une vision à la fois juridique et extra-juridique puisque des rapports incessants seront établis entre des phénomènes non juridiques (le développement urbain) et la réponse qui leur est apportée par le droit. / Vietnam is a one-party state, centrally administered. This centralization stems from Vietnam's History and does not fit to the increasing urbanization of Vietnamese cities. As drivers of Vietnam's growth (since the early years of Đổi mới policy, at the end of the 80's), Vietnamese cities still suffer from serious impediments related to excessive administrative centralization. Although insufficient, greater decentralization is required to address the phenomenon generated by a fast and uncontrolled urbanization (rural exodus, cities extension, land management, access to core services, transports, preservation of public goods, air quality, access to housing, environment, etc.) and to allow local governments to gain greater financial autonomy (the need for urban infrastructure is constantly increasing). Our main hypothesis is that the local governments (comprising People's Committees, Local sections of the Communist Party of Vietnam, local state-owned enterprises) should be the financial focal point and decision-making center of urban development in Vietnam. Which decentralization do Vietnamese local governments need to address urban-related phenomenon? Which legal background for local governments autonomy in Vietnam? Our PhD research will seek to answer those interrogations.

The resort to coalition governments following the disputed presidential elections in Kenya and Zimbabwe pioneers a new trend in unlocking political gridlock in Africa. This dissertation analyses this trend with a view to establishing its viability in guaranteeing sustainable peace and democracy. It is argued that the resort establishes a precedent in which incumbent presidents, upon losing elections, may refuse to vacate office in the hope that a power sharing agreement will be negotiated with opposition leaders. Concludes that while the resort to coalition government in the aftermath of a disputed election and electoral violence may rescue a country from disintegration, it is not a guarantee to sustainable peace and democracy / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2008. / Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Prof. Nico Steytler, Faculty of Law, University of Western Cape, South Africa / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

This study evaluates Hong Kong's soft power through investigating the relations between the city's paradiplomatic ambits and performance and critically reflects on how the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) to further develop its presence in international stage and its identity as an active non-sovereign international actor. This study also enriches the literature of paradiplomacy and soft power of non-sovereign actors since the soft power analysis is still limited to state-centric research. This research also explores new angles to deal with Hong Kong-China relations by highlighting how the paradiplomacy and the soft power of Hong Kong can create space and flexibility for the city's international engagement. A theoretical framework which incorporates new institutionalism and normative theory to explain the interplay of paradiplomacy and soft power is proposed and tested. This study adopts multi-pronged method to investigate Hong Kong's soft power and its leaders' capabilities in upholding the city's international profile under "One Country, Two Systems". Through studying the international indexes, surveys of public opinion, official documents like Hong Kong Policy Addresses and conducting in-depth interviews, this study delineates and evaluates the soft power capacities within paradiplomatic ambits of the city. The key findings of the research indicate the HKSAR government has had a very restrictive understanding of the soft power for the city. In particular, the study proves that both institutions and values of Hong Kong are crucial for boosting the city's soft power. In contrast to the conventional system, the institutions of the HKSAR have limited the fostering of values of Hong Kong, but also the development of the city's soft power. This study shows that the tensions between the government and civil society have weakened some of the potential soft power resources. Moreover, the prevailing policy focus on strengthening the city's financial and economic status with respect to China's rise to power has not done justice to other stakeholders such as the film industry and the civil society who could have made considerable impacts on enriching and enhancing Hong Kong's global attractiveness. The paradiplomatic power of the HKSAR government has not been persistently pursued in the policy implementations. As the HKSAR government claimed it is committed to upholding the city's international profile and to promote its soft power globally, this study intends to make an original contribution to our understanding of the relations of the city's soft power, paradiplomacy and policy implementations.

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