Le mouvement accru de rationalisation des dépenses publiques conduit les acteurs publics français et notamment les collectivités territoriales à faire de nombreux choix et arbitrages parmi les initiatives menées en-dehors du champ traditionnel de leurs compétences obligatoires. « Que faire de l'Action Internationale ? » est au centre des débats, alors que la demande sociale est toujours plus conséquente sur les territoires français. Comment comprendre qu'en parallèle des efforts de plus en plus importants demandés aux citoyens, on dépense de l'argent public ailleurs? En période de crise, certaines politiques publiques sont remises en question et peuvent paraître superflues. Au premier regard, l'action internationale est de celles-ci. Ce travail vise à répondre à la question suivante : pourquoi les collectivités territoriales coopèrent-elles à l'échelle internationale ?Les actions internationales des collectivités territoriales relèvent historiquement d'une démarche de solidarité internationale. La perception de la coopération décentralisée comme outil d'aide au développement dans les pays partenaires est, encore aujourd'hui, une réalité constamment rappelée dans les discours des élus locaux, des associations partenaires, et de l'Etat. Aussi, la coopération décentralisée ne révolutionne-t-elle pas les objectifs généraux de l'Aide Publique au Développement, dans la mesure où elle constitue davantage un changement d'échelle qu'un changement de modèle. Pourtant, ces dernières années, apparaissent des visions plus « stratégiques » de l'AICT, qui a connu des évolutions en termes notamment de diversification géographiques et thématiques. On voit ainsi se développer de plus en plus d‘actions internationales à caractère économique ou visant le rayonnement des territoires et leurs positionnement sur la scène internationale.En 2013, l'Action Internationale des Collectivités Territoriales se situe donc, selon les contextes, quelque part entre l'aide et une véritable co-opération. La nécessaire synthèse entre les attentes émises par les collectivités territoriales étrangères et l'intérêt local pour les territoires français oblige alors à questionner les aspects fondamentaux que sont le partenariat et la marge de négociation des deux parties. La réciprocité peut-elle exister ? Est-il possible de penser l'Action internationale comme un outil de résolution des problématiques locales ? De quelle(s) manière les expériences des collectivités territoriales partenaires peuvent elles représenter des sources d'inspiration et d'innovation utiles au développement des territoires français ? Ces différentes questions nous amèneront à interroger la place de l'Action internationale au sein des politiques publiques locales : une compétence à part entière ou un mode d'exercice et d'amélioration des compétences « traditionnelles » ? / Increasing cuts of local expenses lead French public authorities make decisions and choices between public policies which do not look priority. In times of economic crisis, some policies may look useless and can be questioned. Should local governments maintain international action whereas social demand is deeply increasing on French territories? Is it still justifiable to keep on spending public money abroad?Local government's international actions (LGIA) are historically based on an international solidarity practice. Decentralized cooperation does not seem to really “revolutionize” Development Public Aid: the scale has changed, not the model. Nevertheless, these last years, LGIA knew real deep geographical and thematic evolutions. Strategic visions are emerging. Economic cooperation, international forecasts…local government's international action became a way for territories to position on international scene.In 2013, Local Government's International Action is located, depending on the contexts, somewhere between aid and real cooperation. Which synthesis can be made between foreign partners' wishes and local interest? Partnership and negotiations between the two parties are key-notions. How to evaluate relationships between territories? Does reciprocity really exists? Can LGIA be part of territorial projects and seen as a strategic way to work on French territorial stakes? How can local governments improve their own practices by inspiring from foreign experiences? Is LGIA a fully local public policy or a transversal operating mode?

Le scénario international n’est aujourd’hui, ni unique ni exclusif des États. Les collectivités territoriales interagissent avec des autres acteurs du système international de façon décidée. L’essor de l’action internationale des administrations locales, se manifeste dans un contexte marqué par une série de dynamiques économiques, sociales et politiques, qui contribuent ensemble à renforcer les institutions locales. Les collectivités locales colombiennes ne sont pas l’exception dans ce phénomène, mais, les conditions pour qu’une collectivité territoriale donnée mène des actions à contenu international, sont liées aux aspects politiques, normatives et institutionnels. Ainsi, les aspects pris en compte pour définir ces conditions sont, en substance, les suivants : a) la forme de État; b) le modèle d’organisation territoriale; c) le modèle de décentralisation implanté; d) la capacité à conclure des accords avec des collectivités territoriales étrangères et e) le monopole et l’usage de la violence par l’État.Or, dans le cas où l’État n’a pas ces capacités, et où, le niveau local a une faible structure politique et administrative, cela a-t-il un sens d’attribuer des compétences aux collectivités territoriales pour développer une action internationale ? Ce travail de recherche, à comme objectif d’analyser les conditions politiques, normatives, administratives et institutionnelles qui freinent ou conditionnent l’action internationale décentralisée en Colombie. Dans le cas de la Colombie, malgré les obstacles institutionnels générés par la forme de l’État, le manque de capacité administrative au niveau local et la cooptation du territoire par des groupes illégaux, ce n’est pas un thème inaccessible aux collectivités territoriales colombiennes. En dépit de les difficultés, il est tout à fait possible de planifier et exécuter cette action, en coordination avec les politiques du niveau central et en partant d’une approche régionale. / The international scenario doesn't belong anymore to nations. Local territories are decisively interacting with other actors in the international context. The rise of decentralized international actions can be observed in contexts in which political, economical and social dynamics contribute to strengthen local institutions. Although local governments in Colombia are not the exception, their actions are regulated by legal and political aspects such a) the type of state b) the model of territorial organization c) the decentralization model d) their capacity to sign agreements with foreign local institutions and e) the nation's monopoly and use of violence.But when the nation doesn't have the capacity and there is a weak political and administrative structure, does it make sense: To Assign competencies to local governments to develop an international action? This research intends to analyze the regulatory and institutional conditions that facilitate or limit decentralized international action in Colombia, where despite institutional obstacles because of the type of state, lack of administrative capacity at the local level and the presence of illegal groups, the international action is not a forbidden topic for local administrations. Even with some difficulty, it is possible to plan and execute these actions in coordination with national policies and from a regional perspective.

Soixante ans après les premiers accords d’amitié entre des collectivités territoriales françaises et leurs homologues étrangers, tout semble avoir évolué : les rapports Etat – collectivités, l’encadrement législatif, la reconnaissance des coopérations transfrontalières et interterritoriales par l’Europe et l’Union européenne et la création d’instruments de coopération. Des jumelages d’amitié historiques à la coopération de territoire à territoire, de la volonté originelle de réconciliation des peuples à l’instauration d’une diplomatie des territoires, l’action internationale des collectivités territoriales ne cesse d’innover et de se déployer. La Méditerranée est un espace historique d’échanges, de migrations et de conflits, où se cristallisent aujourd’hui des enjeux, économiques, sociaux et culturels déterminants pour l’équilibre européen et mondial. Cette histoire commune qui lie les peuples méditerranéens doit être le socle d’une coopération durable permettant de répondre aux problématiques régionales actuelles. L’action internationale des collectivités territoriales y est ancienne et représente un maillon indispensable d’une chaîne de relations avec l’Europe et l’International, mais en pleine mutation, elle cherche encore les fondements de son existence. / Sixty years after the first treaties between French local authorities and their foreign counterparts, many things seem to have evolved : including the states reporting of local authorities, legislative framework, international cooperation within the European union and the creation of tools to help this cooperation. From historical twinning to inter authorities cooperation and from the reconciliation of populations to territorial diplomacy, International action of local authorities continues to innovate and develop. The Mediterranean is a historic area of exchanges, migration and conflict where today manifest important economic, social and cultural challenges which determine the European and global balance. This shared history that links the Mediterranean peoples should be the basis for a durable cooperation to address current regional issues. Through these historic interactions we see that international action of local authorities is old and is an essential link in a chain of relationships with Europe and the rest of the world, these links are in a process of undergoing an evolution and are still seeking the solid foundations of their own existence.

Si l’explosion du système Est-Ouest marque la fin de l’idée de confrontation globale en tant que modèle de la guerre depuis la fin du second conflit mondial, on doit plus fondamentalement s’interroger sur les changements intervenus depuis les années 90 en ce qui concerne le statut de la guerre elle-même et sur le rôle des opérations de paix dans les relations internationales. Les crises politiques découlant de conflits internes sont des sources de déstabilisation et de fragilisation des institutions locales qui subissent le tumulte et affaiblissent la capacité des acteurs à sortir d’une telle situation politique. La nécessité de renforcer les capacités locales pendant cette période charnière afin d’éviter les crises récurrentes se traduit par la présence de la Communauté internationale qui déploie une multitude de stratégies. Il existe en effet, dans la grammaire des Nations Unies, un continuum de modes de gestion des crises qui va des formes les plus réservées de la persuasion à certaines modalités de diplomatie coercitive, impliquant un usage limité de la violence. Lorsqu’on examine les opérations de paix en RDC, un ensemble dynamique de tensions et de liaisons, oscillant entre ordre et désordre dans ses expressions institutionnelles, le constat qui se dégage est que la question de la paix exige une analyse qui prenne en compte plusieurs facteurs. D’où le recours à une approche interdisciplinaire, mobilisant des courants critiques au sein des relations internationales tout en alliant la sociologie des relations internationales. Notre approche interdisciplinaire qui est au centre de cette thèse peut aussi être d’un grand intérêt dans le renforcement de l’approche polémologique, elle-même fort utile pour appréhender les modalités de gouvernance par les groupes politico-militaires. Notre étude s’attache à évaluer la pertinence et la cohérence des pratiques et conduites des acteurs internationaux pour mieux dégager les contours axiologiques et idéologiques de la gestion des crises itératives. / If the explosion of the East/West system marks the end of the idea of global confrontation as model of the war since the end of the second world conflict, we more fundamentally have to wonder about the changes which took place since the 90s as regards the status of the very war and about the role of the peace operations in the international relations. The political crises ensuing from internal conflicts are sources of destabilization and weakening of the local institutions which undergo the tumult and weaken the capacity of the actors to go out of such a political situation. The necessity of strengthening the local capacities during this pivotal period to avoid the recurring crises is translated by the presence of the international community which spreads a multitude of strategies. There is indeed in the grammar of United Nations a continuum in the modes of crises’ management which goes the most reserved forms of the persuasion to certain modalities of coercive diplomacy, implying a use limited by the violence. When we examine the peace operations in RDC, dynamic set tensions and connections, oscillating between order and disorder in its institutional expressions, the report which gets free is that the question of the peace requires an analysis which takes into account several factors. Hence the use of an interdisciplinary approach, involving both critical currents in international relations (critical constructivism) while combining the sociology of international relations. Our study attempts to estimate the relevance and the coherence of the practices and the conducts of the international actors in a better way axiological and ideological outlines of the management of the iterative crises.

L’action extérieure du Parlement écossais est l’objet de notre étude. D’abord, nous avons identifié la capacité opérationnelle de cette institution au sein du système institutionnel britannique, sur la scène communautaire et dans les échanges internationaux. Puis, nous avons détecté les facteurs structurant cette action. Selon notre étude, trois pôles prennent forme dans l’action parlementaire tels que les îles Britanniques, l’Europe qui couvre l’espace géographique européen, l’environnement institutionnel communautaire. Enfin, le troisième pôle est l’espace hors d’Europe, notamment les pays du Commonwealth et les Etats-Unis d’Amérique. Nous avons également établi une certaine spécialisation des méthodes et des moyens d’action dans les trois pôles évoqués. / The focus of my dissertation is the external action of the Scottish Parliament. My study identifies the operational capacity of this institution within the British institutional system, on the European Union arena and in international relations. I have identified the factors structuring the parliamentary action that shaped three poles such as the British Isles, Europe and outside the geographic European space. The pole of Europe covers both Continental Europe and the EC institutional environment. I have also identified the specialisation of methods and tools of action within the above mentioned poles

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:20:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fabiana Rita Dessotti Pinto.pdf: 1709401 bytes, checksum: 7329d61f1806abb025aa0cdf8913f6f3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-06-30 / The thesis develops a case study of Mercocities Network, an association of cities and associated member countries of MERCOSUL, and has aimed to analyze the decentralized international cooperation developed in this network as an initiative to promote local economic development. To this end, the thesis presents at first the motivations for the international actions of cities. It discusses the globalization in its economics aspects, the process of regionalization in Latin America and the impacts of globalization on cities, emphasizing essential the local economic development initiatives. Next, exhibits the characteristics of network relationships, presenting the central themes of the thesis: international networks of cities and decentralized cooperation. It analyzes the case of Mercocities network, through the description of its goals, its profile and its key initiatives. It identifies the relevant points for discussion of participation in international networks of cities. The survey results show that, despite having limitations, the cooperative participation in international networks of cities can maximize the capacity of cities in terms of public policy and impact on national and international policies of interest of the cities. Noteworthy among the limitations: the difficulty of exchanging experiences develop into effective public policies; the discontinuity of the initiatives in the network as a function of political discontinuity; the incipient participation of other civil society actors; the difficulty of evaluating results of the initiatives; and the lack of publicity in the media of the actions developed by the network / A tese desenvolve um estudo de caso da Rede Mercocidades, uma associação de cidades dos países membros e associados do MERCOSUL, e tem como objetivo central analisar a cooperação internacional descentralizada desenvolvida nesta rede como iniciativa para o desenvolvimento econômico local. Para tanto, a tese apresenta de início as motivações para as ações internacionais das cidades. Discutem-se a globalização nos seus aspectos econômicos, o processo de regionalização latino-americano e os impactos da globalização nas cidades, destacando-se as iniciativas de desenvolvimento econômico local. Em seguida, expõe as características do relacionamento em rede, apresentando os temas centrais da tese: redes internacionais de cidades e cooperação descentralizada. Analisa o caso da Rede Mercocidades, por meio da descrição dos seus objetivos, do seu perfil e das suas principais iniciativas. Identifica os pontos relevantes para discussão da participação em redes internacionais de cidades. Os resultados da pesquisa demonstram que, apesar de apresentar limitações, a participação cooperativa em redes internacionais de cidades pode maximizar as capacidades das cidades em termos de políticas públicas e de incidência nas políticas nacionais e internacionais de interesse das cidades. Destacam-se entre as limitações: a dificuldade das trocas de experiências evoluírem para políticas públicas efetivas; a descontinuidade das iniciativas na rede em função da descontinuidade política; a incipiente participação de outros atores da sociedade civil; a dificuldade de avaliação de resultados das iniciativas; e a pouca divulgação nos meios de comunicação das ações desenvolvidas pela rede

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:53:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fabiana Rita Dessotti Pinto.pdf: 1709401 bytes, checksum: 7329d61f1806abb025aa0cdf8913f6f3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-06-30 / The thesis develops a case study of Mercocities Network, an association of cities and associated member countries of MERCOSUL, and has aimed to analyze the decentralized international cooperation developed in this network as an initiative to promote local economic development. To this end, the thesis presents at first the motivations for the international actions of cities. It discusses the globalization in its economics aspects, the process of regionalization in Latin America and the impacts of globalization on cities, emphasizing essential the local economic development initiatives. Next, exhibits the characteristics of network relationships, presenting the central themes of the thesis: international networks of cities and decentralized cooperation. It analyzes the case of Mercocities network, through the description of its goals, its profile and its key initiatives. It identifies the relevant points for discussion of participation in international networks of cities. The survey results show that, despite having limitations, the cooperative participation in international networks of cities can maximize the capacity of cities in terms of public policy and impact on national and international policies of interest of the cities. Noteworthy among the limitations: the difficulty of exchanging experiences develop into effective public policies; the discontinuity of the initiatives in the network as a function of political discontinuity; the incipient participation of other civil society actors; the difficulty of evaluating results of the initiatives; and the lack of publicity in the media of the actions developed by the network / A tese desenvolve um estudo de caso da Rede Mercocidades, uma associação de cidades dos países membros e associados do MERCOSUL, e tem como objetivo central analisar a cooperação internacional descentralizada desenvolvida nesta rede como iniciativa para o desenvolvimento econômico local. Para tanto, a tese apresenta de início as motivações para as ações internacionais das cidades. Discutem-se a globalização nos seus aspectos econômicos, o processo de regionalização latino-americano e os impactos da globalização nas cidades, destacando-se as iniciativas de desenvolvimento econômico local. Em seguida, expõe as características do relacionamento em rede, apresentando os temas centrais da tese: redes internacionais de cidades e cooperação descentralizada. Analisa o caso da Rede Mercocidades, por meio da descrição dos seus objetivos, do seu perfil e das suas principais iniciativas. Identifica os pontos relevantes para discussão da participação em redes internacionais de cidades. Os resultados da pesquisa demonstram que, apesar de apresentar limitações, a participação cooperativa em redes internacionais de cidades pode maximizar as capacidades das cidades em termos de políticas públicas e de incidência nas políticas nacionais e internacionais de interesse das cidades. Destacam-se entre as limitações: a dificuldade das trocas de experiências evoluírem para políticas públicas efetivas; a descontinuidade das iniciativas na rede em função da descontinuidade política; a incipiente participação de outros atores da sociedade civil; a dificuldade de avaliação de resultados das iniciativas; e a pouca divulgação nos meios de comunicação das ações desenvolvidas pela rede

yes / The United Nations will convene the `UN Conference on the Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons in All Its Aspects¿ in June/July 2001. The `2001 Conference¿ is now the primary focus for international efforts to strengthen and develop co-ordinated and comprehensive global action to prevent and reduce the proliferation and misuse of small arms and light weapons. A powerful international coalition of States, international organisations and civil society groups is uniting to promote effective global action. Expectations for the 2001 Conference are high and public awareness of the opportunities it offers is growing. It is critical that the 2001 Conference is a success. The 2001 Conference must achieve agreement on an effective International Action Programme to prevent and reduce small arms and light weapons proliferation and combat illicit trafficking in such weapons. This International Action Programme should reinforce, co-ordinate and extend measures being taken at local, national and regional levels. In addition to establishing an appropriate set of international norms and standards, the 2001 Conference should achieve agreement on specific international action on the problems associated with small arms and light weapons. The specific objectives of the 2001 Conference are currently undecided. This paper, the first in a series of briefings, outlines a proposed scope for the Conference. It further proposes concrete objectives and practical agreements which could be achieved during the Conference. It is hoped that the proposals and recommendations presented will contribute to efforts to secure a comprehensive and progressive framework for the Conference.

yes / As the agenda for the United Nations (UN) 2001 Conference on The Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons in All Its Aspects takes shape, governments should begin to identify a set of standards, mechanisms and specific agreements that will help consolidate, reinforce and co-ordinate regional and national measures to address the problem of the proliferation and misuse of small arms. An important element of this approach will be to build upon the wealth of regional and national experiences and perspectives that illustrate the different contexts in which efforts to combat the proliferation and misuse of small arms and light weapons have occurred. At the same time, agreements reached at the UN 2001 Conference should be substantial, establishing an agreed comprehensive `international action programme¿ f o r sustained global effort on this complex problem. However there remain issues and concerns that are common to all regions: these should be identified and addressed internationally within the context of the UN 2001 Conference. This briefing, the second in the Biting the Bullet series, reviews some of the current regional e fforts on small arms and light weapons. It identifies common approaches that have been used in different regions to counter the proliferation and misuse of small arms and light weapons, these include: law enforcement and crime control; supplier restraint and transparency; national legislation and regulation of arms; and arms reduction and control. The briefing analyses initiatives using these approaches that are moving forward in West Africa, Eastern and Southern Africa, the European Union (EU), and the development of cooperation between EU Member States and other countries and regional organizations, including Cambodia and the Southern African Development Community. The briefing identifies the impact and priorities of these initiatives, suggesting ways in which the UN 2001 Conference is both relevant to the region and what the region can contribute to the outcomes of the Conference. The briefing concludes with recommendations on the ways in which regional processes can be reinforced and further developed by the international community, focusing especially on the contribution of the UN 2001 Conference. Experience is showing that much of what happens nationally and regionally needs reinforcement and further development with assistance from the international community. The UN 2001 Conference comes at an important time for providing the framework ¿ through the international action programme ¿ to develop, reinforce and c o-ordinate these national and regional processes, through developing appropriate international norms, standards, programmes and mechanisms. Using the illustration of combating illicit arms trafficking, this briefing outlines some of the processes that could be taken forward through the UN 2001 Conference which would build upon and strengthen national and regional eff o r t s . The briefing contains an annex, which provides background information on many current regional and international initiatives, including those in Africa, the Americas, Asia, Europe and inter-regionally, such as the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation.

yes / Measures to enhance the security and management of legal stocks of small arms and to reduce `surplus¿ weapons are clearly essential components of an effective international action programme to combat illicit trafficking and prevent and reduce the proliferation of small arms. Many of the weapons of concern are lost from official stockpiles through theft, corruption or neglect. Moreover, the existence of large quantities of `surplus¿ small arms is a major factor in the excessive availability and flows of these weapons. The primary responsibility for measures to address these problems lies with governments. Regional and international organisations involved in any way with managing and disposing of small arms also have important responsibilities to take action. Nevertheless, this is a global issue, and the entire international community should play a role in developing policies on the management of stockpiles and the disposal or destruction of surplus weapons. This briefing outlines the dimensions of the issues, drawing on recent experience, and identifies ways in which an international action programme could usefully be developed to address them.