This dissertation focuses on local governments within the United State and assumes that reforms to municipal charter as “mini-constitution” introduce the needed improvement in local management. It evaluates the role of the people through the institution of direct democracy and the implications of the dynamics on local outcomes. Guided by 3-in-2 research questions, the study examines conditions that inform municipal charter reform and the association between institutional change and local government finance. The dissertation relied on data from the International City Management Association (ICMA) Form of Government Survey for 2018, the Census Data on State and Local Government Finance for 2017 and the American Community Survey also for 2017. On the overarching research question, the study approaches institutional change --- the adoption of direct democracy mechanisms of initiative, referendum and recall provision, by examining its determinants to understand why some local governments engage in municipal charter change (and others do not). The dissertation achieved this by relying on the conceptual framework of Maser’s constitutional choice theory to explain community characteristics as factors that inform charter change. Thereafter, it followed and expanded McDonald and Gabrini’s approach of aggregating or grouping the factors under structural, financial, political, administrative, socioeconomic and governmental characteristics to help identify the predictive value or impact of each determinant or their assigned variables on charter change. The result shows that each category of community characteristics significantly explains municipal charter change or why communities may or may not adopt direct democracy institutional reforms. The dissertation also examined the relationship between institutional change and local government finance. Again, it measured or retained charter change as local adoption of direct democracy mechanisms of initiative, referendum or recall, while local expenditures and revenues per capita are used as proxies for local finance. Relying on the Tiebout model and the rational choice theory, the study found that municipal charter change has an association with local finance, although the presence or adoption of one direct democracy mechanism by a community was observed to further influence the degree of association between local government financial outcomes and other institutional structures.

Submitted by Roberto Gomides (robertogomides@me.com) on 2017-10-17T20:35:59Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação-Mestrado_Roberto-Gomides.pdf: 1276792 bytes, checksum: 4d27cb9f423d93e15b9ec8a1a728c15e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by GILSON ROCHA MIRANDA (gilson.miranda@fgv.br) on 2017-11-17T12:30:52Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação-Mestrado_Roberto-Gomides.pdf: 1276792 bytes, checksum: 4d27cb9f423d93e15b9ec8a1a728c15e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-11-29T13:41:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação-Mestrado_Roberto-Gomides.pdf: 1276792 bytes, checksum: 4d27cb9f423d93e15b9ec8a1a728c15e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-05-19 / In the past few years, several Brazilian subnational governments have developed an extremely high dependency on royalties revenues from the oil and gas exploration, but the financial flow generated by those revenues keep a strong relation with the several market variables like the Brent price, the level of production and the exchange rate. Despite the fact that revenues may oscillate with the market, it is reasonable to assume that Brazilian public expenditures are inflexible in both short and medium term, so the government´s inertia towards market movements may compromise a sound budget policy. This paper intends to propose a hedge strategy for those revenues complying with restrictions imposed by the Brazilian legal framework. / Nos últimos anos, diversos entes subnacionais brasileiros se submeteram a uma forte dependência das receitas oriundas de royalties e participações especiais provenientes da exploração de petróleo e gás natural. Entretanto, como o fluxo financeiro gerado por essas receitas guarda forte relação com o preço do Brent, nível de produção e câmbio, tal fluxo pode sofrer severas oscilações durante o exercício financeiro. Ocorre que, no Brasil, enquanto que as receitas ficam sujeitas à flutuações, as despesas obedecem a uma rigidez, e, nesse sentido, a inércia dos entes públicos perante aos movimentos do mercado pode comprometer a elaboração de um orçamento equilibrado. Dado o exposto, o presente trabalho visa propor uma estratégia de proteção às receitas em questão, observadas as restrições legais impostas aos entes subnacionais.

The aim of this study is to analyse and describe the role of sub-national governments (SNG’s) in foreign policy and how the conduct of diplomacy has developed in the South African context, and to assess why and how provinces engage in this phenomenon. The theoretical approach to this study is embedded in neo-functionalism. In order to illustrate this, the South African province, the Limpopo Province is used as an illustrative case study. In particular, the study will analyse the role of the International Relations Unit (IRU) within the Office of the Premier (OtP) in the Limpopo Province as a case study. Limpopo is the main focus of this study because it, inter alia, borders on three sovereign states (Botswana, Mozambique and Zimbabwe) which place the province in a good position to engage in international relations, mutual intentions and friendly relations with its neighbouring and other distant countries. The results of this study is that provinces have become important foreign policy and international relations actors in the area of low politics; however the national government remains as the main actor in the international relations and foreign policy making process. The results also indicate that Limpopo is being proactive in facilitating and accelerating the realisation of the foreign policy objectives since provinces engage with international activities that run in parallel with the objectives and principles of the national foreign policy. The study contributes to the literature on SNG’s diplomacy in South Africa. It also lays the foundation for further research in other SNG’s diplomacy especially in Africa by employing other theories that have been ignored including African theories. / Political Sciences / M.A. (Politics)

The aim of this study is to analyse and describe the role of sub-national governments (SNG’s) in foreign policy and how the conduct of diplomacy has developed in the South African context, and to assess why and how provinces engage in this phenomenon. The theoretical approach to this study is embedded in neo-functionalism. In order to illustrate this, the South African province, the Limpopo Province is used as an illustrative case study. In particular, the study will analyse the role of the International Relations Unit (IRU) within the Office of the Premier (OtP) in the Limpopo Province as a case study. Limpopo is the main focus of this study because it, inter alia, borders on three sovereign states (Botswana, Mozambique and Zimbabwe) which place the province in a good position to engage in international relations, mutual intentions and friendly relations with its neighbouring and other distant countries. The results of this study is that provinces have become important foreign policy and international relations actors in the area of low politics; however the national government remains as the main actor in the international relations and foreign policy making process. The results also indicate that Limpopo is being proactive in facilitating and accelerating the realisation of the foreign policy objectives since provinces engage with international activities that run in parallel with the objectives and principles of the national foreign policy. The study contributes to the literature on SNG’s diplomacy in South Africa. It also lays the foundation for further research in other SNG’s diplomacy especially in Africa by employing other theories that have been ignored including African theories. / Political Sciences / M.A. (Politics)

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Somalia continues to intrigue scholars and policy-makers around the world, due to the fact that it is enduring what few others have, total state collapse. Not only does the situation defy easy explanation, the degree of state failure is unprecedented. After more than two decades without a functioning central authority, Somalia is now the longest-running instance of state collapse in postcolonial history. While researching and understanding state weakness and state failure is critical, it is useless unless combined with devising ways to prevent state failure in the future. Somalia provides policy makers with a unique opportunity to study the consequences of state collapse. Understanding the complex dynamics of state weakness and state collapse could ultimately help save the lives of thousands of people on the African continent. This study focuses on the mechanisms of coping by analysing the actors who have stepped up to fill the political vacuum left behind by the collapsing state. The role played by both state and non-state actors will be explored throughout this study. As it is not possible to address every actor who has played a part in Somalia since the implosion of the state in 1991, only the three most important internal and external actors will be analysed. The role played by the United Nations (UN) and the African Union (AU) will be discussed at length. The contributions made by neighbouring country Ethiopia, will also be investigated. Although the contributions and the impact of these external actors have in some instances led to undesired results, it does not change the fact that these actors attempted to fill the void in Somalia. Non-state actors positions within Somalia will also be examined in detailed. These actors include regional authorities, the role of Al-Shabaab, as well as the Islamic Courts Union. The study does not excuse the behaviour of these actors but rather discusses the rise of these organizations in light of the collapsing state and the position which they have taken up in Somalia to fill the political void. Lastly the role of the “Somali coast guards” also known as the Somali pirates, will be discussed.ipti / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Somalië bly die brandpunt van belangstelling vir geleerdes en beleidmakers dwarsoor die wêreld. Die hoofrede hiervoor is dat hierdie land ervaar het wat min ander lande het, naamlik algehele ineenstorting van die staat en bestuur. ‘n Maklike verduideliking of vereenvoudiging van die situasie is daar nie, want die ongeëwenaarde ineenstorting van stuktuur en staat, van Somalië is uniek. Twee dekades later is hierdie land nogsteeds sonder ‘n funksioneerende gesetelde staatsgesag. Hierdie tydperk is die langste voorbeeld van staatsineenstorting sonder herstel in post-koloniale geskiedenis. Navorsing en insig in elke staat se inherente swakhede en probleme help om mislukte bestuur te voorspel en te voorkom. Hierdie inligting moet korrek geimplimenteer en geinterpreteer word om krissise en mislukkings binne staatsbestel te verhoed. Somalië bied beleidmakers ‘n unieke geleentheid om die gevolge van totale staatsineenstorting te bestudeer en daaruit te leer. Net deur middel van begrip vir die komplekse dinamika van ‘n staat wat ineenstort en deur wanbestuur verswak word, sal daar uikoms vir duisende mense op hierdie vasteland kom. Sodoende sal ontelbare lewens in Afrika gered kan word. Hierdie studie analiseer die tegnieke van aanpassing, gebruik deur die rolspelers wat die politieke vakuum vul, wat deur die staatineenstorting nagelaat is. Die ondersoek fokus ook op die impak en effekte van beide interne en eksterne rolspelers. Aangesien dit onmoontlik is om die aandeel wat elke rolspeler sedert die ineenstorting van Somalië in 1991 gehad het te bestudeer, word net die drie belangrikste interne en eksterne rolspelers bespreek. Die Verenigde Nasies (VN), Afrika Unie (AU) en die buurland Ethiopië se bydraes sal ondersoek word. Alhoewel die bydraes en insette van hierdie eksterne rolspelers soms tot ongewenste resultate gelei het, bly die feit staan dat hulle probeer het om die leemtes in Somalië te vul. Ander belangrike rolspelers wat nie deel van die plaaslike regering is nie, sal ook in diepte bespreek word. Hierdie invloede binne Somalië sluit streeksowerhede in, asook die rol van Al Shabaab en die Islamitiese Howe Unie. Die studie verskoon nie die gedrag van die rolspelers nie, maar bespreek eerder die opkoms van hierdie organisasies. Dit word alles gesien in die lig van die ineenstorting van die staat en die posisie wat hulle in Somalië geneem het om mag te bekom en die politieke leemte te vul. Ten slotte word die omstrede rol van die "Somaliese kuswagte", anders bekend as Somaliese seerowers, bespreek.

published_or_final_version / Education / Master / Master of Education

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Universität, Trier, 2006. / Includes bibliographical references and index.

Disaster management and insurance are of increasing significance in today’s world. Every year, natural disasters cause tens of thousands of deaths and tens of billions of dollars worth of losses. The figures available from international agencies such as the International Federation of Red Cross/Red Crescent Societies and from major transnational insurance and reinsurance corporations meeting in Davos every year under the World Economic Forum show that mortality rates have been fairly consistent, whilst the number of recognized catastrophic events, and even more, the size of economic losses, have rapidly increased. This research examines the difficult task to successfully mobilize the requisite financing for adaption. Traditionally, governments have endorsed ex-post financing instruments. This research argues that there is substantial value in shifting to a comprehensive disaster risk management strategy that stresses the combination of a broader distribution of risk and the implementation of ex-ante financing instruments as the most effective way to achieve coherent financial protection. This research analyzes the diversity of national disaster risk governance across East Asia from the comparative perspective of the national disaster management plans implemented by the governments of Taiwan, Japan and China to handle the rising costs of natural disasters. This research aims to provide a research platform to assist policy development design to increase government financial preparedness for catastrophe risks. Disaster management studies are not a discipline per se, but a field of study borrowing to several disciplines of social sciences from economics to geography. Since government responses to threatening disaster situations are what draw the attention of this research, it makes sense to consider problem-solving theories of political science as the most appropriate theoretical settings to locate this analysis. Therefore, the theoretical foundations of functionalism and disaster theory serve as a theoretical support. Using a descriptive approach, this research favors a qualitative type of methodology. The primary sources consulted during the fieldwork, as well as the information gathered as evidence, demonstrate that the governments of Taiwan, Japan and China have taken a series of measures and actions to tackle the financial costs of natural disasters, including the elaboration of legal frameworks, the enactment of budgetary rules and the development of local support and private participation. However, despite the efforts and policies adopted, these governments continue to bear the financial burden of handling the majority of economic losses, and to resort to post-disaster financing instruments to assume their financial responsibility. This research concludes that, given their exposure to natural disasters and the rising costs associated with these events, the governments of Taiwan, Japan and China have no choice but to shift towards effective national disaster risk governance that will promote private coverage and preserve public finances.

Comparison of the Organisation of Local Administration in the Czech Republic and the Republic of Montenegro The thesis Comparison of the organisation of local administration in the Czech Republic and the Republic of Montenegro deals with the basic principles of the organisation of local administration in the above mentioned states both in the form of valid legislation and its practical implementation. A large space is devoted to the constitutional foundations defining the scope of powers of local self-governments and the degree of their decision making autonomy and to two basic laws which determine essential institutes and aspects of the local self-governments administrative activity - the Czech Law on Municipalities and the Montenegrin Law on Local Self-Government. Major part of the thesis is descriptive and it is analysing and comparing the valid legislation. This part is followed by the evaluation of the practical implementation of the legislation and by the reflection of real organisation and functioning of local administration in both countries. The thesis is divided into 7 chapters. After the brief introduction the chapter dealing with Montenegro exclusively follows. It contains short characteristics of the state, its organisation, political system and administrative division. The chapter...

Resumé Information duty of municipalities in selected countries In this thesis I have concentrated on the topic of transparency and openness of municipality bodies in the Czech republic, the Slovak republic and the Free State of Bavaria. The legislations in these countries have historically similar grounds, nevertheless, nowadays they show up many distinctions. My concentration was focused on the Czech legislation and legislative proposals, since the topics of open (digital) society, transparent politics and elements of direct democracy are being held as popular key words in the election struggles. The attempts of last three governments were heading almost to the same goals, showing that there is a need to adjust the processes of municipality bodies in terms of enabling citizens to participate and control easily the work of their representatives. These measures were meant to have the effect of decreasing the possibility of corruption at the municipal level. I have oriented on the following topics in comparing of the relevant legislations: the possibility of public to be present during sessions of municipal bodies; processes of preparation and invitations of citizens to these sessions and legal consequences in case the procedure would not be abided by; releasing of written and multimedia records of the...