Problems of coherence and effectiveness have been repeatedly mentioned by external observers as affecting European Union (EU) external action. A theory-based explanation of this state of affairs is, however, lacking in the literature. This thesis aims to address this lacuna by focusing on a particular aspect of EU external action, the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), and by analysing CFSP actions in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) throughout the period 1991-2006. Its primary goal is to determine which factors explain different degrees of coherence and effectiveness, and, in particular, whether or not, increasing CFSP institutionalisation has promoted coherence and effectiveness. After introducing the concepts of coherence and effectiveness, the thesis sketches the political and academic debate surrounding these concepts, and three key explanatory factors are singled out: interests, identities and institutions. The latter is taken as a starting point for analysis. Drawing on a historical institutionalist theory, it explores the CFSP institutionalisation and examines how the development of institutions, path dependency, unintended consequences , learning and socialisation have affected CFSP coherence and effectiveness over time. Furthermore, it aims to find out whether changes in institutions have facilitated convergence of Member States' interests regarding EU policy towards BiH, as well as the development of the EU's broader international role. The thesis then proceeds to investigate CFSP activities in BiH, analysing coherence and effectiveness in eight case studies. It concludes that CFSP institutionalisation has partially increased levels of effectiveness over the period 1991-2006. As for coherence, greater institutionalisation has resulted in some problems of coherence in the short term, but leaming has been a significant factor correcting these in the medium and long term. While path dependency has resulted in problems of coherence and effectiveness, socialisation processes have been important in facilitating consensus among the Member States. Finally, CFSP institutionalisation is seen as having had an impact on the EU's international role moving it from a civilian to a normative power, willing to resort to military instruments when necessary.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Virginia, 2000. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 128-135). Also available online through Digital Dissertations.

The aim of this thesis is to probe subnational varieties in compensation enacted for war victims in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina. The current literature in transitional justice posits that mainly the nature of previous conflicts, democratic and economic development, international normative pressures, and the regional clustering of justice explain why only some post-war countries award material assistance to victims (Olsen et al. 2010; Kim 2012; Risse and Sikkink 2013; Powers and Proctor 2015). While these explanations provide critical insights into the processes behind compensation adoption across states, they do not explain why only some victim categories within a state secure compensation. Drawing on a large database of qualitative data ranging from interviews to newspaper articles collected during fieldwork in Bosnia, this thesis explores compensation for military and civilian war victims, victims of torture and sexual violence, and families of missing people. By zooming in on these victim categories in the Bosnian context, this thesis advances a new understanding of compensation for victims as an outcome of complex political, external, and economic influences exerted on the main domestic policymakers. This thesis uses a new analytical framework about the inter-category varieties in compensation that draws upon arguments about bounded agency of war victims who are constrained by the parameters of post-war political structures that to a large degree shape their strategies. I show that the different compensation outcomes can primarily be explained by the varying effectiveness of victims in convincing domestic political authorities that compensation is in their political interest by using framing and advocacy strategies at the domestic and international level. While such strategies are limited by the political and socioeconomic characteristics of the state, victim categories that are able to strategically frame their demands and access resources to mobilize are more likely to secure compensation adoption. Therefore, this thesis introduces three tools that victims can leverage - international salience, moral authority, and mobilization resources - that are shaped by both structural conditions and the victims' agency.

This thesis relies on evidence from the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia to argue that systematic ethnic violence occurred during the 1992-95 war in Bosnia and Herzegovina because of the implementation of extreme ideological visions promoted by top political leaders. The first section demonstrates how Serb and Croat nationalist politicians in Serbia, Croatia, and Bosnia determined to create expanded monoethnic states as Yugoslavia collapsed in 1991-92. The second section illustrates how institutions dominated by Serbian President Slobodan Milos̆evic and the Croatian government led by Franjo Tudman sponsored the military campaigns conducted by Bosnian Serb and Croat forces, which attempted to realise the visions imagined in 1991-92. The final section reveals how in 1994-95, leaders from Croatia and Serbia shifted their short term strategies towards Bosnia for pragmatic reasons, and while the Croatian leadership succeeded in forcing Bosnian Croat nationalists to abate their separatist campaign, Milos̆evic's efforts to pacify the Bosnian Serb leadership failed and Radovan Karadz̆ic's regime continued to pursue its state-building programme until its defeat in summer 1995. Although both Milos̆evic and Tudman yielded their pre-war ambitions in the face of battlefield outcomes and international pressure, this thesis argues that both leaders regarded the peace agreements they signed as temporary compromises on their long-term ambitions. The words of top political decision-makers reveal the ideas and reasoning that inspired programmes to homogenise multi-ethnic Bosnia and divide it between Serbia and Croatia.

The main purpose of this thesis is to provide an understanding of the EU’s approach to peacebuilding in its Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) missions and operations. The thesis explores why EU missions carry out mainly post-conflict peacebuilding tasks and whether the shift towards peacebuilding is about a substantial change of EU norms. The research analyses how peacebuilding in CSDP actions is framed, designed and operationalised through the complex decision- and policy-making processes within the CSDP. In particular, the thesis assesses how the EU’s approach to peacebuilding in the CSDP was influenced by the UN’s conceptualisation of peacebuilding and how the EU has developed its own distinctive approach to peacebuilding. While looking at the examples of civilian missions and military operations in Mali and in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the thesis provides insights into the operational dynamics of peacebuilding under the CSDP. The thesis argues that CSDP missions and operations reflect a normative and practical commitment of the EU to international peacebuilding. CSDP actions deployed in post-conflict scenarios follow the logic of liberal peacebuilding strategies while aiming at the stabilisation, reconstruction and building of the institutions of a functioning state, in particular the military, police and justice sectors. The EU pursues its peacebuilding activities under the CSDP in a comprehensive, case-specific and geopolitically strategic way as demonstrated by case studies of Mali and Bosnia and Herzegovina. At the same time, the research reveals that, although the shift towards peacebuilding in CSDP actions has been underpinned by a change of normative approaches, driven by the reform process of the UN peacekeeping, it also reflects the EU’s preferences, pragmatic limits and capability-expectation gaps in crisis management.

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Direito, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Direito, 2017. / Submitted by Raquel Viana (raquelviana@bce.unb.br) on 2018-04-25T19:29:03Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2016_StefanTrifunović.pdf: 1143680 bytes, checksum: 65443d7989757aab5473fd1d72291516 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Raquel Viana (raquelviana@bce.unb.br) on 2018-04-25T19:29:34Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2016_StefanTrifunović.pdf: 1143680 bytes, checksum: 65443d7989757aab5473fd1d72291516 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-25T19:29:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2016_StefanTrifunović.pdf: 1143680 bytes, checksum: 65443d7989757aab5473fd1d72291516 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-04-25 / Jacques Derrida tem sido um dos mais controvertidos filósofos do final do século XX e começo do século XXI. Ele foi assim rotulado não só por conta das suas ideias sobre os vários tópicos com os quais tem lidado em seu trabalho, mas também devido a sua abordagem geral face à filosofia. Sua abordagem crítica desenvolvida a partir da desconstrução tem sido tanto aclamada quanto criticada. Nesse sentido, algumas dessas críticas tem feito referência à incapacidade da teoria de Derrida de ser aplicada a problemas concretos. Contudo, essas alegações têm sido instigantes. A fim de confrontá-las, a presente pesquisa se baseou na ideia de aplicar o pensamento de Derrida a problemas concretos. Para esse fim, o contexto jurídico-político da Bósnia e Herzegovina foi escolhido como estudo de caso. Essa escolha se deu em função de diversos fatores, concernentes à complexidade dos temas, sua universalidade e atualidade. Ao longo do presente trabalho, a teoria foi associada a problemas concretos, tendo, em muitos casos, dado ensejo a questionamentos e hipóteses ainda mais profundos no que concerne a essa temática. No entanto, a principal contribuição deste trabalho foi demonstrar que as ideias e conceitos desenvolvidos por Jacques Derrida tem sido mais que úteis quando aplicados em questões relativas ao atual cenário jurídico-político da Bósnia e Herzegovina. / Jacques Derrida is one of the most controversial philosophers of late 20th and beginning of 21st century. He earned this title not only because of his views upon the various topics he dealt with in his work, but also due his general approach toward philosophy. Derrida’s critical approach developed within deconstruction, ideas which have been both praised and criticized. Some of various critical positions refer to the inability of Derrida’s theory to be applied upon concrete problems. These standings have been inspirational. In order to question them, this research is based upon idea of applying Derrida’s idea on concrete problems. Therefore, the politico-legal context of Bosnia and Herzegovina is chosen as a case study. This is done due to several factors, including the complexity of the issues, their universality and actuality. Throughout this work, theory is intertwined with concrete problems. In many cases it highlights some deeper issues and it is able to give some deeper inside upon the problems. However, the main characteristic this work is able to show is that ideas and concepts developed by Jacques Derrida are more than useful when they are applied upon the issues existing in Bosnia and Herzegovina’s political and legal reality.

The current thesis approaches the issue of using social media for the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina for the recurring flood crisis events. The current status of using and interacting with social media , through studying the literature of the previous facts and results towards using social media by governmental and public representatives have been investigated. Different experiences were found related to countries that are experiencing flood events and their uses of social media. On the other hand it was found that little or no information were presented for the uses of social media for crises events in Bosnia and Herzegovina case. It was found that the reasons for not having current implementation of a solution is related to the complex governmental structure that are present in the Bosnian state government, entities of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Brčko District, cantons and regions. Further investigations were initiated to identify the current uses, needs and obstacles towards the use of social media tools and services as a medium for increasing situational awareness and communication in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The considerations of the previous investigation were with respect to governmental complex structure and public needs. The results of the investigation managed to outline the current challenges with respect for each investigated sector. The outputs of the previous investigations have been used as inputs to direct and guide the system design of the proposed new system framework that is aiming for enhancing situational awareness and communication during flood crisis events using social media framework. The system design and functionalities have focused on providing sharing environment for the complex government structure and public needs with a direct focus on not distracting the current used structure and public ethnical segregations. The system framework has been tested and the reflection of governmental attitude and public results has been encouraging towards adopting this framework for future flood events in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

abstract: Ethno-nationalist politicians and criminals in Mostar espoused a discourse of ethno-exclusionist sociocultural relations as a superstructure for the public in order to establish ethnocratic kleptocracies where they concealed their criminal colonization of residential and commercial property through manipulating the pre-Bosnian War discourse on property relations. This is not to argue that some or most of these politicians and criminals did not believe in their virulent nationalist rhetoric, but instead that the effects of the discourse created well-used pathways to personal, not community, wealth. Elites used the Yugoslav economic crisis and perceived past grievance to enflame growing tensions between ethnicities and social classes. I use Mostar as an object of analysis to examine the creation of Bosnian Croat and Bosniak ethnocratic regimes in this divided city. However, I focus more on the Bosnian Croat regime in the city because it envisioned Mostar as its capital, making the city the site of its political competition among factions. Even though ethno-nationalist politicians and criminals still hold a level of power in Mostar, the IC did succeed in instituting a high level of property restitution, which does not necessarily imply return, because the IC was able to impose rule of law when it acted in an organized manner. Also, the ethnocratic regimes were weakened due to regional economic and political factors that undercut the regimes' hold over the population. / Dissertation/Thesis / M.A. History 2013

Academic research on peacebuilding, without the keywords ‘local’ or ‘ownership’, has become almost unthinkable nowadays. This thesis aims to contribute to current debates by offering insight into discursive and practical meanings of local elites’ strategies to actively seek and utilize diaspora’s capacity to help their own position in the peacebuilding ownership configuration. It focuses on examination of the local ‘elite self-empowerment’ through power-sharing arrangements with diaspora that can further offer a deeper understanding of how local ownership of peacebuilding is articulated and operationalized in a post-conflict Bosnia and Herzegovina.This is a case-oriented comparative study, which combines comparative methods and Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) tools. Ideal-type and fsQCA are used for creating empirical typologies, as well as a systematic analysis of selected conditions across investigated mono- and multiethnic sets of cases. Comparative methods are used for their further juxtaposition and finding similarities between individual cases belonging to the same group, and identifying overall differences between groups. The thesis demonstrates that overwhelming success of the Bosnian diaspora in the economic sphere can be an excellent indicator of their overall capacity to contribute to other areas of post-conflict reconstruction and peacebuilding. Elite-driven inclusion of conflict-generated diaspora, as an agent of peacebuilding, contributes to more successful dynamics and management of the process, which as a result can advance local elites’ share in ‘owning’ the process. There are several types of diaspora incorporation strategies in local peacebuilding frameworks, which are shaped and embedded in the local contexts; variations amongst them depend on factors that are not ethnically-based but rather rationalist in their conception; incorporation of diaspora is perceived as a viable alternative to externally-led peacebuilding and has the potential of overcoming the post-conflict democratic transformation fatigue that currently exists in the country.Even though a core building-block of any study of diaspora is the diasporic community itself, this study is not focused on examining their actions or patterns of behavior. This thesis is about exploring and testing alliance-building strategies of local elites towards diaspora communities, a craft that has yet to be mastered. Currently, diasporas are considered as ‘resources’ or ‘tools’ for their countries of origin, not as genuine partners. This work shows that homeland local governments, need to avoid making assumptions of an inherent diasporic ‘obligation to help’, especially in post-conflict reconstruction, and must work instead on developing local strategies of diaspora incorporation in order to profit from their involvement and enhance their local peacebuilding capacities.There exists a growing interest in inspecting the roles of diaspora groups in the countries and regions of their origins, yet scholarly work on Bosnian diaspora’s political involvement in BiH is extremely limited. This study focuses on elites’ perceptions of diaspora’s role as an agent; it examines types of specific positioning locals have towards their potential engagement, and how it all impacts dynamics of the entire peacebuilding process. Exploring different venues for co-option of Bosnian diaspora on a local level opens up and attracts new theoretical meanings to local ownership in peacebuilding processes. Research findings indicate that developing transnational management policies to attract diaspora’s engagement, through sharing decision-making powers on a local level, can contribute to compensating for shortcomings that locals have been unable to overcome in the past to advance their ownership position in the peacebuilding process. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

The thesis analyzes the banking sectors in selected countries of CEE region, in particular in Albania, Serbia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina and compares their development with the Czech Republic as it is CEE country with one of the most advanced banking sectors in the region. Three parts of the paper analyzing separately each of the countries are supplemented by country comparison and final conclusions. General development, development of banking sector as well as banking market and financial performance of banks are examined. As a conclusion, all the countries develop in a different way and with different starting conditions. Albania relies more on qualitative development with low absolute figures but high relative indicators with respect to the utilization of available resources. The development in Serbia is rather quantitative, in contrary to the situation in Albania. Bosnia and Herzegovina is progressing quite ambiguously also due to uncertain political situation in the country. It can be also concluded that all the three countries still have to go a long way to reach comparable level of their banking systems with the Czech Republic.