This essay examines the structural relationship between the folktale and the gothic novel with focus on characterization. This study will present a clearer definition of the now problematized gothic genre and show how newer genres are influenced by the older ones. This examination is done by doing a close-reading of Horace Walpole’s The Castle of Otranto, which is generally known as the first gothic novel, and comparing it to formalist Vladimir Propp’s findings on the functions of the Russian folktale. Walpole’s novel is used as primary source of data and the key works by Propp is utilized as the theoretical framework. In addition, a couple of critical essays have been looked upon in relation to the previous works. This study finds that there are apparent similarities in structure and narrative in the gothic novel in relation to the folktale such as the presence of the same essential characters and functions. This proves the overlap between the two genres and it would be reasonable to conclude that the gothic genre consists of a part folktale. By the revelation of this previously unknown relationship between the folktale and the gothic genre this essay opens up for further research on the origin and influences of gothic fiction.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Adelaide, Centre for European Studies and General Linguistics, 1999? / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 341-352).

Thesis ( M.A.). / Written for the Dept. of History. Title from title page of PDF (viewed 2008/01/14). Includes bibliographical references.

Πιο συγκεκριμένα στην εργασία αυτή επιχειρείται να τεκμηριωθεί ότι ο έρωτας είναι κυρίαρχο στοιχείο στη σκέψη του ποιητή και ότι η γυναικεία παρουσία παίζει καθοριστικό ρόλο στη ζωή του. Για αυτόν ακριβώς το λόγο οι έννοιες αυτές, (έρωτας και γυναίκα), μετουσιώνονται σε ποιητικό περιεχόμενο των ποιητικών συλλογών του Ορατίου. Στο πλαίσιο αυτής της μελέτης θα εξετάσουμε ωδές μέσα από τις οποίες προκύπτει ότι ο έρωτας και η γυναίκα αποτελούν κεντρικά θέματα στην ποίηση του Λατίνου δημιουργού. Πράγματι οι ωδές με ερωτικά θέματα φαίνεται να κατέχουν ιδιαίτερη θέση στα βιβλία του. Ο ποιητής αναλαμβάνει να συνθέσει ερωτική ποίηση και δηλώνει πως δεν του ταιριάζει να υμνεί ηρωικές πράξεις αλλά μπορεί να θέτει συμποτικές και ερωτικές ωδές (In me tota ruens Venus / Cyprum deseruit nec patitur Scythas / et versis animosum equis / Parthum dicere nec quae nihil attinent (1.19.9-12) . Αποδέχεται ότι είναι ποιητής της ερωτικής ποίησης. Οι ρυθμοί της δική του λύρας είναι ελαφριοί και δεν συντονίζονται με τα υψηλά θέματά του. Η πένα του δεν είναι κατάλληλη για ηρωικά κατορθώματα. Εστιάζουμε το ενδιαφέρον μας σε ερωτικές ωδές μέσα από τις οποίες θεωρούμε ότι το δίπτυχο «έρωτας-γυναίκα» δεσπόζει στο λυρικό του έργο. / -

Nos livros das Odes Horácio empregou treze esquemas métricos distribuídos por poemas de temas diversos. A influência da tradição eólica representada pelos dois musicistas de Lesbos, Safo e Alceu, pautou a maioria das escolhas temáticas e formais do poeta. Odes compostas em metros asclepiadeus e jônicos kataV stivcon, em estrofes sáficas, alcaicas e asclepiadéias e em dísticos de formação variada (cola datílicos, sáficos, jâmbicos e trocaicos), mostram ritmos próprios, capazes de imprimir, no ânimo do ouvinte, sensações diferenciadas, de acordo com a natureza da seqüência métrica empregada. A teoria do ethos métrico leva em consideração o conceito da conveniência (Prevpon, decorum): conteúdo e forma em harmonia na criação poética. Os efeitos impressivos das medidas gregas, naturalizadas por Horácio, que deu feição datílica aos versos eólicos, fixou quantidades livres e disciplinou as estrofes, devem-se ao caráter psicagógico dos metros, herdado da antiga teoria musical. Desde Platão e Aristóteles, passando por Cícero, Demétrio, Dionísio de Halicarnasso, Longino e Quintiliano, registramse a preocupação de classificar os metros de acordo com sua adequação a cada tipo de composição e a censura de seu uso indiscriminado na prosa e na poesia. A análise rítmico-semântica de algumas odes de Horácio revelou o zelo do poeta em combinar forma e conteúdo e em selecionar palavras de composição sonora e formação métrica em harmonia com o sentido. Nas Odes a musicalidade do ritmo métrico tem implicações semânticas, realçando a expressão textual. / It has been observed in Horace\'s Odes books that he has employed thirteen metrical schemes distributed among thematic different poems. Aeolic tradition influence, represented by the two Lesbian musicians Sappho and Alcaeus, was responsible for most of the formal and thematic choices of the poet. Odes written in asclepiadean meters and ionic kataV stivcon, in sapphic, alcaic end asclepiadean strophes and in various distics (cola datctylics, sapphics, iambics and trochaics) show their own rhythms, which are able to impress different sensations to their listeners, according to the nature of the metrical sequence used. The theory of metrical ethos considers the convenience concept (Prevpon, decorum): subject and form harmonically living in poetic creation. The impressive effects of greek measures, (which were naturalized by Horace, gave dactylic features to the aeolic verses, fixed free amounts and regulated the strophes), are due to the psychagogic character of the meters, inherited by the old musical theory. Since Plato, Aristotle, Cicero, Demetrius, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Longinus and Quintilianus, there is a worry at classifying meters according to their adequacy to each kind of composition and disapproval of its nonrestrictive use in prose and poetry. The rhythmic-semantics analysis of some odes from Horace revealed the poet care to combine form and subject and to select sonorous words and metrics in harmony with sense. In Odes, metrics rhythm musicality has semantic implications that highlight the textual expression.

This thesis is about the creation, reception and dissemination of poetry in Flavian Rome as depicted in the satires of Juvenal and the epigrams of Martial. It deals with their relationship with their Augustan predecessors, especially Horace. It discusses the rhetoric of decline that pervades early Juvenalian satire, and to some degree, Martial’s epigrams, especially in relation to an idealized and self-proclaimed Golden Age several generations before. It argues that this decline is representative of a political decline since the Age of Augustus and feelings of disenfranchisement of upper-class men under autocratic rule. It also examines the embeddedness of Flavian literature within its urban social context and the ways in which Martial and Juvenal handle the increasing interconnectedness of life and art in relation to their Augustan predecessors. There are three chapters, entitled Amicitia and Patronage, the Recusatio, and Locating the Poetic Feast. / Graduate

The aim of this paper is to examine Horace Walpole's contribution to the reawakening taste for Gothic in the eighteenth century and to relate his curiously ephemeral art forms to the broad historical development of the Gothic. No attempt has been made, except in an incidental way, to treat the initial flourishing of Gothic architecture; that the reader has at least a passing acquaintance with the architecture of the Middle Ages is assumed. Instead, the emphasis has been placed upon the Gothic survival of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries; as Gothic architecture was virtually eclipsed during this period, many readers may feel that this emphasis is unwarranted. However, some study of the Gothic architecture in these two centuries is necessary in order to understand how and why the Gothic took the turn it did in the eighteenth century. Chapter one is a collection of evidence to show that, despite opinion otherwise, Gothic architecture did survive as a potent force. Chapter two then proceeds to discuss Walpole's creation of Strawberry Hill and to show how the attitudes and skills of previous generations helped to mould its form. The conclusion reached is that Strawberry Hill, while Gothic in design, lacked most of the medieval Gothic spirit; that Walpole was in fact using the Gothic for a new purpose. Chapter three is again a collection of evidence, this time a survey of the prevailing trends in "Gothic" literature before Walpole. In a sense, chapter four is the culmination of this discussion of the Gothic, since here the attempt is made to show how Walpole's Gothic novel, The Castle of Otranto, was at once clearly in the earlier traditions of a classical interpretation of Gothic, and also a forerunner of an entirely new conception of Gothic. Walpole's influence upon later writers and his indebtedness to neo-Gothicizers is made clear by juxtaposing Walpole against the later school of Gothic novelists. To avoid a repetitious summary, some attempt has been made to characterize the essential differences existing between Walpole's Gothic and that of medieval artists by linking Walpole's creations with the rococo. An equation of eighteenth century Gothic with the rococo is of course foolish, and this was never contemplated; rather, the hope was to show that much of the spirit which stimulated Walpole's artistry is also endemic to the rococo. The eighteenth century Gothic, in particular Walpole's contribution, was actually a Gothic-rococo. / Arts, Faculty of / English, Department of / Graduate

Within Odes 1-3 Horace consistently locates an idealized version of Rome in Sabinum and Italia. The former had long been a moral foil for Rome. The latter consisted of the regions of Italy that rebelled against Rome during the Social War and fought on the side of Marius in the civil wars that followed. Horace joins these two groups with the term Sabellians and places them together in moral opposition to the corruption and decadence of the late first century BC. Thus Horace elevates the formerly rebellious and still foreign Italici into Roman politics in the lofty position of virtuous outsider, a post formerly exclusive to the Sabines. This dialogue of Italian morality can be seen in Horace's geography. Almost without exception, whenever Horace locates a poem within Sabinum or Italia he does so within the context of ideal Roman values. In contrast, his geographical references to the city of Rome and the areas of Italy that sided with Rome in the Social War and Sulla thereafter are almost all in the context of luxury, excess, and general moral bankruptcy. Horace's use of Roman individuals and families divides Rome along the same lines. Odes 1.12 features a list of excellent Romans. Of the many possible and usual individuals, Horace chooses only the Sabellians. Throughout the Odes, Horace contrasts the proverbial luxury of the Etruscans with Sabellian simplicity and implicit moral superiority. His patron Maecenas is frequently the representative Etruscan for these sermons. It has long been assumed that Horace wrote about Sabinum in such laudatory language because his famous Sabine farm was a gift from Maecenas. But, Horace's praise extends beyond the Sabine hills into Italia as well. He sees himself and his fellow Italici—Horace's hometown of Venusia sided with the rebels—as virtual Sabines. Thus his true motivations are the elevation of the formerly rebellious parts of Italy to the status of ideal Romans and the subsequently easier integration of the recently enfranchised Italici into Roman politics as virtuous examples for Rome to follow.

To address every aspect in which Cleopatra VII asserted her right to rule and maintain the favor of her own subjects and of Rome would be far too large a task for anything less than a book-length treatment. Rather than attempt to address multiple issues, this thesis addresses just one aspect of Cleopatra's political strategy to visualize her legitimacy as ruler: namely a combination of masculine and feminine elements in her iconography. This thesis will then follow the same themes in elements of Cleopatra's visual rhetoric was seized upon by the poets of Augustan Rome, who used it to the opposite effect, making her out to be unfit to rule. In the case of Cleopatra's visual rhetoric, the emphasis shifts in different periods, as Cleopatra adapted her rhetorical strategy to her personal circumstances and her intended audience, at times emphasizing certain masculine elements and at other times focusing on feminine. The Roman authors, on the other hand, see Cleopatra's status in ruler as a usurpation of the masculine rule and therefore monstrous and unspeakable. In order to take the queen and fit her into a Roman world view, they make use of various types of women customary to Classical literature to confine her to a role appropriate”from their perspective"for a woman. In every case, however, gender is used to demonstrate Cleopatra's legitimacy, or perceived lack thereof.

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