This thesis aims to explore the disconnect between calls for safe zones as a tool of humanitarian intervention, and the dark history of safe zone failure. This thesis begins with a brief discussion of current calls for safe zones in Syria, and how a proper theoretical framework and historical understanding are needed to discuss whether or not safe zones can be successfully implemented in Syria. The following literature review discusses not only prominent academic arguments and the history of humanitarian intervention, but it suggests a framework for deconstructing case studies. This framework looks first at the interests of an intervening actor. The level of interest of that actor directly informs its willingness to overcome the challenges of safe zone implementation. The challenges of safe zone implementation are both practical and existential. If an actor’s interest in a given crisis is not great enough to make it willing to overcome these practical and existential challenges, or the actor is willing to overcome them but lacks the ability to do so, the safe zone will fail. In most cases of failed safe zones, moral hazard plays a role. Moral hazard can be evident in either the intervening actor’s decisions or the decisions of the international community to support or not support the intervention. This thesis then deconstructs three historical cases of safe zones with this method: Srebrenica in Bosnia, Operation Provide Comfort in Iraqi Kurdistan, and Operation Turquoise in Rwanda. Following these three case studies, this paper discusses safe zones in Syria with the help of this method and the broad historical understanding of safe zones established through the case studies. This thesis concludes with a discussion of how the analysis and available historical cases show that safe zones are dangerous tools of humanitarian intervention and should not be undertaken without adequate levels of interest and willingness to address challenges.

Ce travail porte sur ce qu'il définit comme des États fantoches ou encore des exemples d'occupation masquée. Afin d’éviter les conséquences politiques et particulièrement les obligations légales qu'imposent le droit international humanitaire et le droit international en général au pouvoir d'occupation, de plus en plus d'États créent des entités sécessionnistes à l'intérieur d'autres ¬États. Ces entités sécessionnistes, qui ont tous les aspects d'un État de fait, sont en réalité contrôlées par l’État commanditaire. En outre, ce dernier non seulement utilise la force militaire pour établir un État fantoche, mais contrôle sa vie quotidienne par des moyens militaires, économiques et politiques. Cinq régions dans le monde sont dans cette situation, tandis qu'une sixième est en cours de création en Ukraine de l'Est. En effet, la Chypre du Nord, le Haut Karabakh, la Transnistrie, l'Ossétie du Sud et l'Abkhazie peuvent tous être définis comme des États fantoches. Le statut peu clair de ces régions en fait des lieux d'impunité totale, des régions qui échappent à l'application du droit international. Non seulement les commanditaires de ces entités échappent au droit international humanitaire, mais les États fantoches sont des trous noirs dans le droit international en matière de protection des droits de l'homme, et des lieux où il est facile de se livrer à du trafic et à de la vente illégale d'armes pour le compte des États commanditaires – des zones d'impunité presque totale. La thèse analyse ce phénomène dans une perspective critique et dévoile les lacunes juridiques qui permettent l'utilisation d'états fantoche pour échapper à la charge du droit international humanitaire, tout en traçant les moyens possibles de résoudre ce problème. / This research deals with what it defines as puppet states or instances of covert occupation. In order to bypass the political burden and especially the legal obligations which international humanitarian law and general international law impose on the occupying power, a growing trend has come into place for states to create secessionist entities within another state. These secessionist entities, which have all outside aspects of a de facto state, are in fact effectively controlled by their sponsor state. Furthermore, the sponsor state not only establishes the puppet state through military force, but also controls its everyday life through the use of military, economic and political means, leading to a de facto annexation of the given territory. Five regions in the world are in this situation, while a sixth is under creation in Eastern Ukraine. Northern Cyprus, Nagorno Karabakh, Transnistria, South Ossetia and Abkhazia can all be defined as puppet states. The unclear status of these regions makes them areas of impunity, regions which largely fall outside the implementation of international humanitarian law. The present research analyzes this phenomenon from a critical perspective and unveils the legal gaps that enable the use of puppet states for escaping the burden of international humanitarian law, while mapping possible ways of tackling this problem.

Migration is a phenomenon wherein individuals relocate from one country to another, albeit temporarily or permanently, for numerous reasons. The State of Qatar is a highly diverse nation with a large population of foreign residents. According to Priya D’Souza, as of 2017, 60 percent of the resident population in Qatar are from South Asia. Growing up in this environment, third culture kids develop a unique, hybrid culture through experiencing multiple cultures. This research investigates a dichotomy of belonging from the perspective of South Asians in Qatar. A series of hybridized spinning tops were produced in collaboration with a South Asian artisan. These hybridized artifacts are infused with sensory materials in order to elicit an emotive response, engage memory, and celebrate the merging of diverse cultures.

In this paper, the author looks at the impact of the policy of federal recognition on a Los Angeles basin Native community: the Gabrielino Tongva. The first section, the literature review focuses on the difficulties of defining “indigenousness” in the academic and political realms, as well as looking at Native scholars’ conceptualization of this unique and multifaceted identity. After a consideration of the theoretical framework of the study, the crossroads between anthropology and public policy analysis, the author presents the tools she used in her study, namely: participant observation, key-informant interviews, and the analysis of published documents and personal files. The section ends with a review of ethical concerns pertaining to doing research with indigenous people. The historical section comprises an analysis of archives and published works about the Tongva and the federal recognition process. Starting by a brief report of major policies that have impacted Native American rights in the U.S. and the evolution of government relations with indigenous communities, the author looks at the legacy of the Tongva people in L.A. today, paying special attention to past efforts at obtaining federal recognition and political divides within the tribe. The analysis is structured according to the different levels of recognition that the author perceived through her research. “Capital R”, or federal recognition is explored through its impact on the individual and the group, and followed by an account of current efforts towards community recognition – “lower-case r.” The paper ends on recommendations for future policies and a personal reflection about the research and its results.

published_or_final_version / Public Administration / Master / Master of Public Administration

In this paper, the author looks at the impact of the policy of federal recognition on a Los Angeles basin Native community: the Gabrielino Tongva. The first section, the literature review focuses on the difficulties of defining “indigenousness” in the academic and political realms, as well as looking at Native scholars’ conceptualization of this unique and multifaceted identity. After a consideration of the theoretical framework of the study, the crossroads between anthropology and public policy analysis, the author presents the tools she used in her study, namely: participant observation, key-informant interviews, and the analysis of published documents and personal files. The section ends with a review of ethical concerns pertaining to doing research with indigenous people. The historical section comprises an analysis of archives and published works about the Tongva and the federal recognition process. Starting by a brief report of major policies that have impacted Native American rights in the U.S. and the evolution of government relations with indigenous communities, the author looks at the legacy of the Tongva people in L.A. today, paying special attention to past efforts at obtaining federal recognition and political divides within the tribe. The analysis is structured according to the different levels of recognition that the author perceived through her research. “Capital R”, or federal recognition is explored through its impact on the individual and the group, and followed by an account of current efforts towards community recognition – “lower-case r.” The paper ends on recommendations for future policies and a personal reflection about the research and its results.

My thesis evaluates the current situation of sexual minorities in the Karas region of Namibia by interpreting the values of the Namibian society in the context of Christian ethics. The first part of my thesis explains the methodology I have used and defines key terms used in the thesis. The second part provides an insight into the living conditions of homosexuals in Namibian society in the context of religion, traditions and legislation applying to this issue. The third part deals with the Christian ethical perspective of homosexuality in the context of natural religions and human rights.

Pays à majorité musulmane sunnite de rite malékite, l'Algérie connaît néanmoins une pluralité religieuse. Ce pluralisme existe au sein même de l'islam, avec la présence d'ibadites et de chiites. Les ahmadis, eux, ne sont apparus dans le paysage juridique algérien qu'en 2016, à la suite d'une série d'arrestations. Quant aux non-musulmans, si la présence de catholiques et de juifs fait partie de l'histoire de l'Algérie, celle des protestants évangéliques n'a acquis une véritable visibilité qu'à la suite d'une campagne de presse faisant état de conversions massives en 2004. Une ordonnance fixant les conditions et règles d'exercice des cultes autres que musulman a alors été adoptée en 2006 avant d'être approuvée par une loi. A travers l'étude du statut juridique des minorités religieuses, la question plus générale de la place de la liberté religieuse en Algérie se pose. Comment est-elle garantie? L'est-elle de jure, au regard de la Constitution algérienne et des engagements internationaux de l'Algérie et l'est-elle également de facto? Dans quelle mesure l'Ordonnance de 2006 et les dispositions du Code pénal concernant l'atteinte à l'islam sont-elles appliquées ? Les arrestations et les condamnations de citoyens pour prosélytisme ou atteinte à l'islam sont-elles révélatrices d'une volonté des autorités et de la justice algériennes de lutter contre la présence des minorités religieuses et de préserver la place de l' islam, religion de l’État ? Cette thèse cherche à montrer que malgré le refus de l’État de qualifier juridiquement les non-musulmans de minorités religieuses, ces groupes répondent bien à la définition qui en est donnée par le droit international. Elle analyse également leur statut dans le droit algérien contemporain, aussi bien dans la sphère publique - références religieuses dans la constitution et exercice collectif du culte - qu'au niveau du droit privé - statut personnel y compris le droit successoral mais aussi pénalisation de certains comportements. En guise de conclusion, des pistes de réformes sont proposées afin d'améliorer le statut juridique des minorités religieuses en Algérie. / A mostly Sunni Muslim country -of Malaki rite -Algeria nonetheless presents a religious plurality. This plurality exists within Islam, with the presence of Ibadis and Shias. Ahmadis only appeared in the Algerian legal landscape in 2016, after a series of arrests. As for non-Muslims, if the presence of Jews and Catholics is part of Algeria's history, that of evangelical Protestants only acquired a real visibility after a press campaign reporting mass conversion in 2004. An ordinance setting conditions for public worship of other cults than Islam was then adopted in 2006, before being approved by a law. Through the study of the legal status of religions minorities, a broader interrogation about the place of freedom of religion in Algeria can be raised. How is this freedom guaranteed ? Is it de jure, in view of the Algerian Constitution and Algeria's international commitments, or is it also de facto? To what extent are the 2006 ordinance and the provisions of the Penal Code implemented regarding offences against Islam ? Are arrests and convictions of citizens for proselytism or offence against Islam an indication of the willingness of the authorities and of the Algerian judiciary to fight against the presence of religious minorities and to maintain Islam's status as the state's religion ? This thesis seeks to show that despite the state's refusal to qualify legally non-Muslims as religious minorities, these groups do meet the definition of minorities given by international law. It also analyzes their status in contemporary Algerian law, both in the public sphere -religious references in the Constitution and collective public worship -and in private law -persona! status, including inheritance rights and the penalization of certain behaviors. As a conclusion, some leads towards reforms are suggested in order to improve the legal status of religious minorities in Algeria.

'International humanitarian law' (IHL) has long differentiated between international and non-international armed conflicts, regulating the latter, at least at the level of treaty law, far less than the former. One of the starkest examples of this is in the case of administrative detention on security grounds or 'internment'. Thus, IHL applicable in international armed conflicts establishes a seemingly robust regime regarding internment. As such, it specifies the limited grounds on which an individual may be interned, the procedural safeguards that must be provided to internees, and the point at which the internee must be released. In the conventional IHL provisions applicable in non-international armed conflicts, on the other hand, no equivalent rules are made explicit. In addition, the application in such situations of international human rights law (IHRL), which also contains procedural rules applicable to detention, is considered by many to be very controversial. This has led to considerable confusion over the current state of the law governing detention in non-international armed conflict, and it is here that some of the most controversial practices and intractable debates within IHL of the last decade have developed. The present thesis seeks to clarify the law here and does so through a comprehensive examination of both IHL and IHRL. It begins with a discussion of the general context in which the thesis falls, i.e. the distinction between international and non-international armed conflicts. This is considered from an historical perspective, considering the basis for the distinction as well as its appropriateness in contemporary international law. Having considered this general question, the thesis then moves on to an examination of the current lex lata with regard to internment in non-international armed conflicts, with a comprehensive examination of both IHL and IHRL. Regarding IHL, it is shown that, whilst there remains a dearth of conventional and customary rules here, one can discern a general prohibition of internment that is not necessary as a result of the conflict. The application of the IHRL rules on detention in non-international conflicts and their interaction with relevant rules of IHL are then explored, with substantial reference to the practice of both states and human rights treaty bodies. It is shown that, absent derogation, human rights treaty rules continue fully to regulate detentions by states in relation to non-international armed conflicts, alongside the minimal rules of IHL. However, it is also demonstrated that the current law remains inadequate in this area. First, there is significant disagreement between the human rights treaty bodies on the extent to which derogation from these rules is permitted. Second, persons detained in non-international conflicts by non-state armed groups or by states with no human rights treaty obligations are protected by the far more basic customary rules in this area. The thesis, therefore, concludes with a set of concrete proposals for developing the law here, in a manner that builds upon and clarifies the current obligations of all states and non-state armed groups.

Magister Legum - LLM / The objective of this study is to explore the criminalisation of persons based on sexual orientation in Cameroon in light of that country’s international human rights obligation. The study examines the constitution and laws of Cameroon as applicable to sexual minorities. It aims to discuss recent developments in international human rights law with regard to the human rights basis for decriminalising homosexuality.