Thesis (doctoral)--Uppsala universitet, 1992. / Abstract and summary in English. "Summary: Women of the right: problem and resource for Allmänna Valmansförbundet 1900-1936/37." Includes bibliographical references (p. 227-236) and index.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Uppsala, 1998. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [470]-491).

The aim of this study is to examine the ideal of citizenship as presented in the Swedish Girl Scout movement 1945-1965. Through the examination of periodicals aimed at Girl Scout leaders, the study attempts to elucidate how the presented ideals shifted in the years leading up to, and following, the merger between the largest Swedish Girl Scout and Boy Scout associations in 1960.         As a theoretical background, the model of the Belgian scout researcher Sophie Wittemans is used, according to which citizenship in the scout movement contains both a universalistic tendency, emphasizing and geared towards creating citizens that are equal in an abstract sense, as well as particularizing instruments that aim to mold the singular individual. Wittemans claims that the Girl Scout movement has generally focused on the later aspect.      The concept of citizenship is found to be linked to duty rather than to the freedom of the individual, especially in the sphere of home life. In professional life the individual is afforded a greater measure of freedom. At the time of the merger in 1960, the idea of citizenship is to some extent gendered. The Girl Scout is to be prepared to take part in a society where feminine and masculine values are both needed. There is no consensus, however, on what the difference between the sexes consists of.       Neither sex, nor citizenship, seems to be the main focus of the training of Girl Scouts during the studied period. The cultural and societal tensions are contained by religion, universalizing tools like the scout law, and concepts such as ‘humanity’.       Through the study of a relatively scarcely researched area, this study attempts to shed light upon the Swedish Girl Scout movement in the post-war-era, as well as the larger shift in gender roles in Swedish society during the same period.

Increasing importance of environmental concerns, growing demand for renewable energy, future introduction of electrical cars, improving energy efficiency, ambivalent attitude of society to nuclear power and multiple other external factors may become driving forces for future changes within the hydropower field in Sweden. On the other hand the dynamics for these changes can emerge from the value-systems, arguments, intentions and actions of the stakeholders, many of which are not satisfied by the present situation within the sector, but see its future changes in a different way. This makes the study case of hydropower in Sweden challenging for technology assessment and at the same time the technology assessment method, the scenario workshop that can provide interaction among the opposing parties and serve as a bridging event between the phase when various ways of future technology development are promoted by various actors and the decision-making phase. The ensuing research question is if the scenario workshop can be successfully applied to the hydropower case, the technology which is more than hundred years old, and if it can improve communication among the stakeholders to enhance their learning. The learning implies different dimensions such as Improved articulation of the problems at hand, probing each other‟s world and better understanding of the other stakeholders‟ positions and value systems, driving forces and crucial events for the future development of the whole hydropower sector and possible scenarios for this development. In order to answer this question more than 20 interviews with the main stakeholders have been carried out and a workshop based on possible external and internal future scenarios for hydropower in Sweden was organized. Evaluation of the workshop showed that the chosen method was efficient and the aim, which was stakeholders learning, was reached.

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This thesis aims to contribute to the study of how established political parties deal with an increasingly popular radical right parties, focusing on the case of Sweden and the Sweden Democrats (SD). Swedish parties have had a different approach compared to established parties in other European countries, when being challenged by the radical right. The trend has been that the major parties have formed government with support of the radical right and also adapting some of their political positions, in order to regain lost voters. Although, in the case of Sweden, the initial strategy of the major parties was to distance themselves from SD:s policies, while also making efforts to isolate them from positions of power and minimizing their influence in all levels of government.  Anders Backlund (2020) has studied the case of Sweden and argues, with the use of the modified spatial theory (Meguid 2008), that the initially rejective strategy of the major parties towards SD, might have forced them to adapt their policies to a large extent further down the line. The thesis explores Sweden as a least-likely case for a theory-testing purpose. Through the means of a combination of qualitative and quantitative content analysis the election manifestos from all parliamentary parties in Sweden, from the last five elections are being analyzed. The thesis tries to explain to what extent, and in what manner, the parliamentary parties have adapted their policies to those of SD – and furthermore, to what degree these adaptations can be explained in terms of the strategic pursuit of votes.  The Sweden Democrats are placed far out on the TAN-scale, on the socio-cultural political conflict dimension GAL-TAN – where TAN stands for Tradition, Authoritarianism and Nationalism. Therefore, the extent to which the remaining parties have included policies related to TAN in their election manifestos is examined. The result shows that most parties in Sweden increasingly have included policies related to TAN in their election manifestos for the more recent elections – hence showing an adaptation to both SD:s policy suggestions and their way to formulate issues. Especially the parties that have been shown to lose particularly many voters to SD, but also the parties that are not competing for their votes to any bigger extent, exhibit a political conformity in the direction of SD.  The thesis strengthens the modified spatial theory by highlighting how Swedish parties swiftly have modified their strategy of handling SD – from initial rejection, to adaptation of rhetoric and policy. The thesis further contributes a few theoretical adjustments, to more fully explain how all major Swedish parties have managed their strategies when facing the increasing popularity of SD.

This thesis aims to examine the existence of populism in Swedish party politics, specifically inthe cases of The Sweden democrats on the right and The Left party on the left side. Two partiesthat can be considered each other's opposites in Sweden. The research questions revolve aroundif both parties can be considered to populist, if there are any differences in the type of populismthat the parties express and finally if there have been any changes of populism within the partiesin recent years. The definition of populism that is applied is created by Mudde & Kaltwassser (2017) and seespopulism as a thin-centered ideology with “the pure people” versus “the corrupt elite,” andargues that politics should be an expression of the will of the people. The thesis also usespopulist subtypes from Jagers & Walgrave (2007) to discern different types of populism. The methods used consist of a comparative research design and a qualitative content analysis toexamine the questions of the thesis, based on speeches made by the parties in Almedalen. Theresult shows that both parties can be considered to be populists, but there are differences betweenthe parties based on subtypes and in who they see as the people or the elite. There have not beenany considerable changes in the expressed populism in any of the parties.

In 2010, the populist radical right party the Sweden Democrats were voted into the Swedish parliament, which rattled the mainstream parties. The Sweden Democrats’ stance on migration policy was clear from the start, with their MPs promoting a radical decrease, if not a complete stop, to all immigration. This thesis aims to expand the existing research about populism in Sweden and contribute to the field of political science by analysing the general policy debates on migration policy held after the entry of the Sweden Democrats into parliament. The study examines the debates to get answers to several questions: What do politicians think is the main problem with migration policy over the years and how are the problems represented? Is it possible to find indications of populism during the debates and are there signs of the Sweden Democrats' discourse being normalized? Are there any discursive shifts made by the mainstream parties and is there a hegemonic discourse visible throughout the debates? The results show four dominating problem representations on the topic of migration over the years, with the problem representation of the Sweden Democrats gaining support from the Liberals and the Christian Democrats in the debate of 2018. Tendencies of normalization of the Sweden Democrats’ discourse are also detectable in the 2018 debate, as well as some discursive shifts by mainstream parties. A hegemonic discourse is visible during the 2010 and 2014 debates, but it has lost its hegemonic position during the 2018 debate.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Earth and Planetary Science, 1982. / Microfiche copy available in Archives and Science / Two folded maps in pocket. / Includes bibliographies. / by Kip Vernon Hodges. / Ph.D.

Populist radical right (PRR) political parties have become important players in many European countries. These parties generally have a core ideology of ethnic nationalism supported by antiestablishment populism and sociocultural authoritarianism. PRR parties have managed to find electoral success in many European countries over the last few decades, usually at the expense of more established mainstream parties. The success of PRR parties is dependent on both voters and the parties themselves. In other words, parties must frame issues in a way that appeals to at least some voters while voters must have some reason for supporting these parties. This thesis looks at Denmark and Sweden, two countries with relatively similar cultures, political systems, and economies that have had different experiences with PRR parties. An analysis of socioeconomic factors highlights certain traits that makes voters more likely to vote for PRR parties, namely education and unemployment. Additionally, PRR party rhetoric likely appeals to socioeconomically disadvantaged voters by promising improved welfare and shifting the blame for their troubles to immigrants. In sum, this thesis suggests that PRR parties will continue to find electoral success as long as immigration maintains a high level of political salience, as PRR parties can use anti-immigration rhetoric to attract the socioeconomically disadvantaged. / Master of Arts / Populist radical right (PRR) political parties have become important players in many European countries. These parties generally have a core ideology of ethnic nationalism, a form of nationalism defined by ethnicity and focusing on a shared heritage. PRR parties also generally espouse antiestablishment populism by trying to appeal to the masses through critques of the government and established political parties. These parties also tend to embrace sociocultural authoritarianism, the desire for strict obedience to authority as it pertains to society and culture. This thesis looks at Denmark and Sweden, two countries with relatively similar cultures, political systems, and economies that have had different experiences with PRR parties. However, PRR parties have been electorally successful in both countries over the last decade. This thesis examines socioeconomic factors that may affect the likelihood of voters to vote for PRR parties, and determines that education and unemployment can play a large role in voter attitudes. Additionally, this thesis analyzes PRR party rhetoric and ascertains that these parties likely appeal to socioeconomically disadvantaged voters. In sum, this thesis suggests that PRR parties will continue to find electoral success as long as immigration remains an important political issue, as PRR parties can use anti-immigration rhetoric to attract the socioeconomically disadvantaged.