Cette thèse vise à contribuer à la compréhension de l'émergence des mouvements autochtones de la deuxième moitié du XXe siècle, à partir de l'analyse des mobilisations identitaires de la population de langue huichol de Nayarit, au Mexique. Dans le prolongement de l'acquis d'une partie des travaux scientifiques sur le sujet, on observe que l'émergence de ce type de mobilisations est liée à la mise en place des politiques publiques pour la conservation et la patrimonialisation des cultures autochtones ». Néanmoins, il émerge également que l’existence de cet ensemble d’opportunités objectives ne suffit pas à rendre raison du phénomène étudié. En effet, la genèse du phénomène tient aussi à des processus de stratification sociale qui ont donné lieu à l’émergence de fractions de la population porteuses de savoirs et de savoir-faire transposables aux mobilisations identitaires, ainsi que d’une conception valorisante des cultures autochtones. L’engagement identitaire ne relève donc pas d’une logique purement instrumentale : il est aussi le produit de dispositions profondément intériorisées. Seule l’articulation de ces éléments permet de rendre raison de la genèse du phénomène. En définitive, l’émergence du mouvement autochtone étudié est donc le produit d’une sociogenèse issue d’une convergence entre différents processus socio-historiques, dont les principaux sont l’émergence d’un espace des possibles politiques favorable au développement de mobilisations à caractère identitaire et celle de fractions de la population porteuses des compétences nécessaires à l’investissement de cet espace, ainsi que d’un système de croyances favorable à la genèse d’une forme d’engagement identitaire. / This doctoral thesis on the identity mobilizations of the Huichol population of Nayarit in Mexico aims to contribute to the understanding of the emergence of indigenous movements in the second half of the twentieth century. Following the many scientific works on this subject, our research documents how the emergence of this kind of mobilization is linked, in part, to the implementation of public policies for the conservation and the patrimonialization of indigenous cultures. However, our research also reveals that these objective political opportunities aren't sufficient to explain the phenomenon. Indeed, social stratification processes have given rise to the emergence of segments of the population who carry knowledge and skills that can be both transposed to identity mobilizations and contribute to produce valued conception of Amerindian cultures. Thus, identity activism does not come from a purely instrumental logic: it is also the product of deeply internalized dispositions. Only the articulation of these elements can help explain the genesis of the phenomenon. Ultimately, the emergence of the indigenous movement is the product of a sociogenesis resulting from a convergence of various socio-historical processes, the main ones being : the emergence of a field of political possibilities favorable to the development of identity mobilizations, the emergence of segments of the population endowed with the skills necessary for the investment of this space, and finally, a system of beliefs favorable to the genesis of this form of identity activism.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T20:39:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 4793.pdf: 2360577 bytes, checksum: b5c558b5a3d386e9d6c8b22573221087 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-10-29 / Financiadora de Estudos e Projetos / The induced migration is a constitutive and persistent part of the Brazilian state strategies in the Amazon occupation process and, particularly, in the Acre occupation process as well. However, the incessant concentration of the means of production especially land and the local resistance movements apart has generated the expulsion of some groups to beyond the Brazilian border. These groups occupied the Bolivian side of the border as an alternative, even though precarious to keep their economical survival, without losing their social bond that links them to the acrian side. But to across the border between Acre and Bolívia was not the most painful experience of these groups, in terms of their identitary state as extractives, since these groups are confronted with a greater challenge that is their expulsion of the border as a means of national security and Bolivian sovereignty. With deadline to leave their homes, i.e., desterritorializate in a compulsory manner, these groups comprehend their nationality as a restrictive factor to production place in the Bolivian territory, and at the same time, they do not have any favorable factor to their reinsertion in the Brazilian territory, mainly in the Acre countryside. In this context, the objective of this dissertation is a sociological investigation about the trajectories and the subsequent socio-spatial vulnerabilization processes lived by the Brazilian peasants that nowadays occupy areas in the border between Bolívia and Acre. For this purpose, we present a sociological and qualitative research, whose procedures are the bibliography review about the politics of Amazon occupation, studies about the official data from multilateral organizations and Brazilian institutes involved with the topic, semistructured interviews and photo-documentation. The analysis of the results was divided in three parts, each one relative to one migratory movement: from Brazilian Northwest to Amazon (Trajectory 1); from Acre to Bolívia (Trajectory 2); and the return of the peasants to Brazil (Trajectory 3). Among the most important findings are the identification of regular regimes that affected the deterritorialization processes of the group, such as the lack of legitimacy of the right to ownership of land by peasants, and other unique traits, such as degradation resulting from identity tensions experienced in the bolivian context, which are being expelled. / A migração induzida é parte constitutiva e persistente das estratégias do Estado brasileiro no processo de ocupação da Amazônia e, particularmente, do Acre. Contudo, a concentração paulatina dos meios de produção - sobretudo da terra e à parte, os movimentos locais de resistência - engendrou o deslocamento de alguns grupos para além da fronteira brasileira. Estes passaram a ocupar o lado boliviano da fronteira como forma alternativa, porém precária, de manter a sobrevivência econômica sem perder os laços sociais que os vinculam, ainda, ao lado acreano. Contudo, atravessar a fronteira do Acre com a Bolívia não foi a mais dolorosa vivência de tais grupos, em termos de sua afirmação identitária no modo de vida extrativista, uma vez que os mesmos estão confrontados com um desafio ainda maior, que é a sua expulsão da fronteira como política de segurança nacional e afirmação de soberania da parte da Bolívia. Com prazo para deixarem o local, isto é, desterritorializarem-se compulsoriamente, tais grupos veem sua nacionalidade como fator restritivo à produção do lugar no território boliviano, sem que seja um fator favorável à sua reinserção no lado brasileiro e, mais especificamente, no interior acreano. Diante de tal contexto, o objetivo desse trabalho foi uma investigação sociológica sobre as trajetórias, e os subsequentes processos de vulnerabilização sócio-espacial, vivenciados pelos camponeses brasileiros que atualmente ocupam áreas na faixa de fronteira boliviana, limítrofe com o Estado do Acre. Com esse intento, foi realizada uma pesquisa sociológica, de base qualitativa, tendo como procedimentos a revisão bibliográfica sobre as políticas de ocupação da Amazônia, estudos em torno dos registros oficiais de órgãos multilaterais e instituições brasileiras envolvidas com a temática, entrevistas semiestruturas e foto-documentação. Dos resultados obtidos, foram realizados recortes temporais tendo como base três subsequentes movimentos migratórios: do Nordeste brasileiro à Amazônia (Trajetória 1), do Acre para a Bolívia (Trajetória 2), e do retorno dos camponeses ao Brasil (Trajetória 3). Entre as conclusões mais importantes estão a identificação de regimes regulares que incidiram nos processos de desterritorialização do grupo, como a falta de legitimidade do direito à posse da terra pelos camponeses, e outros traços particulares, como a degradação identitária decorrente das tensões vividas no contexto boliviano, do qual estão sendo expulsos.