This thesis investigates the contexts, rationales, and practices of collaborative governance between Wayúu indigenous chiefs and Parks (national parks authority) in Makuira National Park, northeast Colombia. The study looks into the Wayúu institutions for territorial governance; policies for conservation, participation and indigenous rights; and key aspects of cross-cultural park governance. The field research was based on an in-depth qualitative case study. I used an ethnographic approach with document review, semi-structured interviews, participant observation, and use of existing qualitative data. The Wayúu people have a system of customary territorial governance that comprises institutions regarding ownership, access, use, and control of territory and its resources. Wayúu sacred places in Makuira Mountains follow spiritual institutions for proper behaviour and respectful relations with supernatural beings. However, Wayúu territorial governance and autonomy is affected by broader contexts of social-political and economic processes. “Parks with People” policy seeks to enhance governance in protected areas by addressing conflicts, recognizing indigenous territories, authority, and mutual collaboration. Co-government is approached as a “signature of agreements” by Parks in Bogotá, as an “ongoing process” by Makuira National Park staff and as an “alliance” by indigenous peoples. While formal co-government process is mostly led by Parks, Wayúu institutions influence informal day-to-day practice. Most Wayúu rights are recognised however, self-determination is not fully recognised. Wayúu park staff helps facilitate cross-cultural respect and achieve more horizontal relations. These research findings highlight the importance of collaborative approaches for conservation that address historically informed national and local contexts and conflicts that at the same time recognise territorial and self-government rights. Supporting and building upon local institutions and customary management practices are important components of a more inclusive and rights-based practice of conservation. These findings provide for a more nuanced understanding of Indigenous and Community Conserved Areas (ICCAs). While indigenous territories do have protected features; they are combined with other territorial practices that can be regarded as “incompatible” with conservation by other actors. This limits ICCAs ability to leverage for full recognition of indigenous rights. This study demonstrates that such rights recognition should happen at the constitutional level and not be attached to conservation objectives.

Orientador: Odair da Cruz Paiva / Banca: Cláudia Moraes de Souza / Banca: Sérgio Augusto Domingues / Resumo: O presente trabalho tem por objetivo compreender o processo de incorporação econômica das terras indígenas na área Raposa Serra do Sol em Roraima levado a cabo pelos projetos de desenvolvimento que, direta ou indiretamente, foram incentivados pelo governo brasileiro naquela área. A apropriação das terras indígenas naquela porção do território amazônico fomentou, nas últimas décadas, a inserção de agentes econômicos, políticos e culturais cujas orientações estiveram voltadas para a desestruturação das formas de organização e das relações com o meio ambiente, mantidas historicamente pelas comunidades indígenas naquela área. A demarcação da área indígena Raposa Serra do Sol em 2009 propiciou não só a reapropriação daquele território pelos grupos indígenas mas também o surgimento de experiências baseadas no conceito de etnodesenvolvimento; este, configura-se como uma alternativa capaz de assegurar a autonomia dos povos indígenas e abre possibilidades para novas alternativas de desenvolvimento autônomo e sustentável não só para os grupos indígenas da Raposa Serra do Sol como também para inúmeros outros grupos camponeses. / Abstract: This study aims to understand the process of economic incorporation of indigenous lands in the area of Raposa Serra do Sol in Roraima carried out by development projects that directly or indirectly, were encouraged by the Brazilian government in that area. The appropriation of indigenous lands in that portion of the Amazon territory fueled in recent decades, the inclusion of economic agents, political and cultural orientations which were directed toward the disintegration of the forms of organization and relationships with the environment, maintained by the indigenous communities that historically area. The demarcation of the Raposa Serra do Sol in 2009 led not only the reappropriation of that territory by indigenous groups but also the emergence of experiments based on the concept of ethnic development, it configures itself as an alternative capable of ensuring the autonomy of indigenous peoples and opens up possibilities for new alternatives for autonomous and sustainable development not only for indigenous groups in Raposa Serra do Sol as well as for many other peasants. / Mestre

In this thesis, I draw attention to how representations of indigenous peoples and knowledges in the rhetoric of bioprospecting weave the people into multiple coordinates of discursive control. Bioprospecting, or the exploration of biological resources in search of valuable genetic and chemical material for commercial use, is portrayed by proponents as an ideal project which benefit all of its stakeholders. I challenge such perception by exposing the power relationships underlying bioprospecting proposals as well as the various interests built into their rhetoric. My particular interest lies in exploring the implications for indigenous peoples whose appearances in bioprospecting proposals are less than voluntary. I make three claims: (1) that the representation of indigenous peoples as stewards of the environment is a role assigned to them, which is then circulated and mobilized within the bioprospecting rhetoric in order to support its arguments concerning biodiversity conservation; (2) that indigenous knowledges of the environment, of medicinal plants in particular, are taken out of their original socio-cultural contexts, utilized, appropriated, and valorized by bioprospectors who construct the rhetoric; (3) that the visibility of indigenous peoples and knowledges, which was heightened as a result of the increased interest taken in controlling them, opens up new opportunities for the people to resist misappropriation and struggle for self-definition. In short, this project takes indigenous peoples and knowledges as the intersection of forces and interests comprising an intricate web of power relationships, within which any participant can attempt to empower oneself either by resisting or manipulating the control to which one is exposed. / Master of Science

This dissertation examines how conflicts between the Peruvian State and the indigenous Awajún people can be transformed and further escalation prevented by focusing on rights claims. This study analyses the Awajún’s main rights claims, their perspective on their relationship with the Peruvian State including the main causes of conflict and their views on what the key aspects of conflict transformation with the State should be. The research is focused on the perspective of the indigenous people, not only in the light of the research objectives but also because a decolonized approach that gives voice to the indigenous perspective is the most culturally appropriate approach for an outsider researcher to carry out research with indigenous people. In order to ensure a decolonized research design, one-on-one, in-depth interviews were selected for data collection since these allow a maximum input of the participants and provide the kind of detailed and rich information that is required for this study. Findings illustrate that a rights-based conflict transformation approach, which applies the typical aspects of a rights-based approach focusing on the specific collective rights claims of the Awajún as well as the main principles of conflict transformation focusing on improving relationships, offers the best prospects of preventing violent confrontations.

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Approximately 15 years ago the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) were signed, with 144 in favour, 11 abstentions and 4 rejections. The UNDRIP was ground-breaking, but the rejection from 4 powerful states (Canada, USA, New Zealand and Australia), and the subsequent lack of implementation decreased the expectations. This study sets out to investigate three states, Canada, Colombia, and Bolivia, and how they have implemented the declaration. Each state has cast a different vote on the declaration, which constructed a dissimilar stance on the UNDRIP. With a comparative research analysis, cases from each state will be reviewed through key-concepts from post-colonialism, such as hegemony, environmentalism, and place. Data is collected from national constitutions, court rulings and articles on the contrasting priorities of the government and the indigenous peoples. To measure the realization, three articles have been selected from the declaration. This paper concludes that even though the states have made substantial progress in legally adopting the declaration, practical realization lacks. This is due to the countries concern of losing political power were the indigenous peoples to gain self-determination or the inability to conduct extractive projects on indigenous territory which would increase national income.

This thesis will address the impacts of Chilean neoliberal education reforms on students access to primary and secondary education. Across three body chapters, I will conduct a historical, policy, and comparative analysis, as well as case study on the Mapuche population within Chile, to exemplify neoliberal reforms' impact on students across differing socioeconomic statuses. Ranging from the 18th century to 2017, this thesis will provide a comprehensive image of how Chile's national education system has transformed from Catholic, missionary schools with majority state influence during heightened colonial practices to increasingly decentralized and marketized institutions during the 1980s. Through a series of analyses, I hypothesize neoliberal education reform has negatively impacted vulnerable students' access to education through exacerbating discriminatory, financial elements at the hands of the rise of privatized education. To support this, I will initially analyze neoliberal dictator Augusto Pinochet's education policies and reforms starting in 1980. To fully understand these lingering impacts, I also analyze 2005 socialist president Michelle Bachelet's education reforms as a method to further understand which 1980 neoliberal education policies were preserved during the restoration of democracy in Chile during the 1990s and early 2000s. The thesis closes with a final case study of the Mapuche population, the largest indigenous population in Chile. With the use of the methodological frameworks deployed in chapter two and chapter three, I attempt to expose the disproportionate impacts of neoliberal education policies on the Mapuche even as modern education and government administrations attempt to transform the education system away from oppressive and discriminatory policies implemented during the 1980s. Riddled throughout the entire thesis are discussions of social movements advocating for greater education equity, amplifying the call for increased attention on justice for students, teachers, and families. / Master of Arts / This thesis will address the impacts of Chilean neoliberal education reforms on students' access to primary and secondary education. Chile is widely known as the "neoliberal experiment" state, making it a prime region to study how neoliberal reforms have impacted the development of the country. I will argue the creation and maintenance of neoliberal education policies have negatively impacted students' access to education, especially focusing on disproportion impacts on students of differing socioeconomic statuses and demographics. The thesis is split into three main chapters, which cover from the 18th century to around 2017. Across these chapters, I will analyze the beginnings of the education system in Chile, studying the main factors that ultimately shaped it into its current system. The second chapter will take on a narrower focus and will examine the main similarities and differences between Augusto Pinochet's 1980s neoliberal dictatorship and early 2000s socialist president Michelle Bachelet's education policies and restructurings. To demonstrate how impactful neoliberal education reforms, the thesis will close with a case study of the Mapuche in Chile. The Mapuche are the largest indigenous population in Chile, and the case study of them aims to show the uneven effects of neoliberal policy creation and preservation within Mapuche education structures. Overall, I work to shed light on the negative elements in education and academic environments, which are drawn out or amplified through neoliberal restructurings.

The key research question explored in this study is: can a state attain its national economic development objectives and at the same time advance the rights of indigenous groups? Examines the tensions and prospects of the coexistence of both the rights of indigenous peoples in Africa and sustainable development with reference to selected case studies and approaches adopted by World Bank (WB) and United Nations Development Programme (UNDP).The broad objectives of the study are: (a) To examine the link between indigenous peoples’ rights and sustainable development, (b) To explore the manner in which the international legal framework and African human rights system responds to the problem of indigenous in development, (c) To analyse key case studies of indigenous rights and development in Kenya, Botswana, and South Africa and explore emerging approaches by the WB and UNDP, (d) To make proposals on mechanisms for mediating indigenous peoples’ rights and national development aspirations. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2007. / A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Angelo Matusse of the Faculty of Law, Universidade Eduardo Mondlane, Mozambique. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

Over the last three decades, Indigenous peoples in the CANZUS countries (Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and the United States) have been reclaiming self-government as an Indigenous right and practice. In the process, they have been asserting various forms of Indigenous nationhood. This article argues that this development involves a common set of activities on the part of Indigenous peoples: (1) identifying as a nation or a people (determining who the appropriate collective "self " is in self-determination and self-government); (2) organizing as a political body (not just as a corporate holder of assets); and (3) acting on behalf of Indigenous goals (asserting and exercising practical decision-making power and responsibility, even in cases where central governments deny recognition). The article compares these activities in the four countries and argues that, while contexts and circumstances differ, the Indigenous politics of self-government show striking commonalities across the four. Among those commonalities: it is a positional as opposed to a distributional politics; while not ignoring individual welfare, it measures success in terms of collective power; and it focuses less on what central governments are willing to do in the way of recognition and rights than on what Indigenous nations or communities can do for themselves.

This thesis explores the significant contribution Walter Rudnicki (1925-2010) made to the pursuit of social justice for Indigenous people in Canada through his use of archival records. Rudnicki took on the role of archivist by acquiring, organizing, disseminating, and keeping records that document government-Indigenous relations. Totaling 90.25 metres in extent, the Walter Rudnicki fonds at the University of Manitoba Archives & Special Collections is an impressive private collection amassed in order to make injustice visible. As a federal public servant working to develop innovative government policies with Indigenous people between the 1950s and 1970s, Rudnicki had bitter personal experience with document creation and access to records practices in the Government of Canada that thwarted Indigenous aims. Thereafter, he stressed that accessing and archiving records play an indispensable role in protecting Indigenous peoples’ interests. He spent the rest of his life creating and employing an archive that would be used in advocacy for Indigenous rights. / October 2016