Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1981. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 272-292).

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論文摘要 本文目的在以階級形成的觀點，透過文獻收集與深度訪談，詮釋1984至2002年之間，經驗過衝突和集體行動的台灣報業記者勞工意識的建構過程與內涵轉變。 研究發現，隨著報業自動化、政治解嚴、報禁解除，以及九○年代以後，有線電視、網路科技興盛以及閱報率下降，報業市場萎縮，報社因倒閉、停刊的裁員案例漸增，工作權不保的危機由印務部擴展至編輯部。過去強調新聞自由、專業的記者編輯，因工作內容特殊性，多不認同勞工身份，更遑論有勞工意識，但隨著自早停刊、自晚經營權轉移以及中時無預警裁撤中南編事件的勞資爭議事件，少數記者編輯卻在勞資爭議的抗爭過程，體認到「勞資關係不平等」，感覺到或有意的結合勞方共同利益，以實際行動對抗資方，激發勞工意識，意識的轉變由以往認知印刷廠工人才是勞工，轉變為只要是受僱者便和一般勞工無異，並體認作為勞工團結象徵的工會之重要性。 然而，至今報社工會且仍在運作者不到10家，除了工會法--廠場工會的限制削弱勞工集體力量的結構性因素外，報業藍、白領勞工工作利益的分歧，形成行動的斷裂，亦為長期報業工會力量弱化的主因。不過，即使在缺乏集體行動的文化傳統下，中國時報產業工會卻能多次以行動挑戰客觀條件的限制，展現強烈的工會性格，與具有工人關懷的知識份子有意識地組織強調集體主義、激發工人意識的工會有關，成為勞工對抗資方的背後支柱。

Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / After the turmoil of the 1890s shearing contractors eliminated some of the frustration from shearers recruitment. At the same time closer settlement concentrated more sheep in small flocks in farming regions, replacing the huge leasehold pastoral empires which were at the cutting edge of wool expansion in the nineteenth century. Meanwhile the AWU succeeded in getting an award for the pastoral industry under the new arbitration legislation in 1907. Cultural and administrative influences, therefore, eased some of the bitter enmity which had made the annual shearing so unstable. Not all was plain sailing. A pattern of militancy re-emerged during World War I. Shearing shed unrest persisted throughout the interwar period and during World War II. In the 1930s a rival union with communist connections, the PWIU, was a major disruptive influence. Militancy was a factor in a major shearing strike in 1956, when the boom conditions of the early-1950s were beginning to fade. The economic system did not have satisfactory mechanisms to cope. Unionised shearers continued to be locked in a psyche of confrontation as wool profits eroded further in the 1970s. This ultimately led to the wide comb dispute, which occurred as wider pressures changed an economic order which had not been seriously challenged since Federation, and which the AWU had been instrumental in shaping. Shearing was always identified with bushworker ‘mateship’, but its larrikinism and irreverence to authority also fostered individualism, and an aggressive ‘moneymaking’ competitive culture. Early in the century, when old blade shearers resented the aggressive pursuit of tallies by fast men engaged by shearing contractors, tensions boiled over. While militants in the 1930s steered money-makers into collectivist versions of mateship, in the farming regions the culture of self-improvement drew others towards the shearing competitions taking root around agricultural show days. Others formed their own contracting firms and had no interest in confrontation with graziers. Late in the century New Zealanders arrived with combs an inch wider than those that had been standard for 70 years. It was the catalyst for the assertion of meritocracy over democracy, which had ruled since Federation.

This thesis seeks to document the life and work of veteran Durban trade unionist Harriet Bolton, with a particular focus on the years from 1944 to 1974. Harriet Bolton lived and worked through many of the crucial developments in South Africa’s labour history, and her personal history is closely entwined with this broader history. Her recorded memories of her years as a trade unionist offer a unique ‘way in’ to revisiting South Africa’s labour history and particularly the critical period of Durban’s early 1970s. Harriet’s testimony, gathered through a series of interviews, forms a core narrative throughout the thesis. However, archive and newspaper material provide detailed contextualisation for the interviews and opportunity to gain some perspective on questions of memory and of Harriet’s own relationship with history. Her recorded memories of these years substantially concern her experience as a trade unionist, but also as a working woman who was a wife and mother, later a widow as well as an engaged citizen of Durban society through her involvement in community organisations and welfare groups. As such, deeper insight into what it meant to be a working woman of her generation is gained. An important component of the thesis is a consideration of the history and politics of the Garment Workers Industrial Union (Natal) and its workers. The union was founded by Harriet’s husband Jimmy Bolton, and was for forty years closely associated with the name and legacy of the Boltons. I examine Harriet’s leadership of this union in the context of the shifting demographics of the union, and a changed political and economic landscape in South Africa. This thesis is also concerned with the role that the Trade Union Council of South Africa played during the period under consideration. Harriet’s relationship with TUCSA and her experience as a white woman trade unionist organising black trade unions ‘within’ the structures of this organisation provide the historian with a unique perspective on TUCSA’s somewhat under-researched history. Harriet’s role as a trade unionist during the tumultuous and critical period of the early 1970s, and a consideration of her contribution to the emerging non-racial trade union movement, is an important component of the thesis. The years both pre and post the 1973 strike wave are revisited through Harriet’s lens. Insights in to the question of women’s roles and contribution to South Africa’s labour movement are generated through gaining an understanding of Harriet’s perspectives. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2009

Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / After the turmoil of the 1890s shearing contractors eliminated some of the frustration from shearers recruitment. At the same time closer settlement concentrated more sheep in small flocks in farming regions, replacing the huge leasehold pastoral empires which were at the cutting edge of wool expansion in the nineteenth century. Meanwhile the AWU succeeded in getting an award for the pastoral industry under the new arbitration legislation in 1907. Cultural and administrative influences, therefore, eased some of the bitter enmity which had made the annual shearing so unstable. Not all was plain sailing. A pattern of militancy re-emerged during World War I. Shearing shed unrest persisted throughout the interwar period and during World War II. In the 1930s a rival union with communist connections, the PWIU, was a major disruptive influence. Militancy was a factor in a major shearing strike in 1956, when the boom conditions of the early-1950s were beginning to fade. The economic system did not have satisfactory mechanisms to cope. Unionised shearers continued to be locked in a psyche of confrontation as wool profits eroded further in the 1970s. This ultimately led to the wide comb dispute, which occurred as wider pressures changed an economic order which had not been seriously challenged since Federation, and which the AWU had been instrumental in shaping. Shearing was always identified with bushworker ‘mateship’, but its larrikinism and irreverence to authority also fostered individualism, and an aggressive ‘moneymaking’ competitive culture. Early in the century, when old blade shearers resented the aggressive pursuit of tallies by fast men engaged by shearing contractors, tensions boiled over. While militants in the 1930s steered money-makers into collectivist versions of mateship, in the farming regions the culture of self-improvement drew others towards the shearing competitions taking root around agricultural show days. Others formed their own contracting firms and had no interest in confrontation with graziers. Late in the century New Zealanders arrived with combs an inch wider than those that had been standard for 70 years. It was the catalyst for the assertion of meritocracy over democracy, which had ruled since Federation.

This paper discusses the influence of religious aspects in rural thought and how they played in the activities of agrarian movements and farm protest movements. The religious orientations of major agrarian reformers in Texas is discussed, as well as the similarities between Protestant religious institutions and agrarian institutions, specifically the Farmers' Alliance and People's Party of Texas.

Author and activist Abby Morton Diaz (1821-1904) was a member of the Brook Farm Transcendental community from 1842 until it folded in 1847. Although critics have long recognized that Brook Farm played a role in Diaz's intellectual preparation, they have not attempted to demonstrate its influence through a study of her writings. In this study I will examine in detail two of Diaz's novels and two long essays, with passing references to other works, that reveal how the utopian socialism practiced at Brook Farm influenced Diaz as a writer and reformer. In all her writings Diaz emphasized the importance of education for women so that they may successfully fulfill their roles as wives, mothers, and their children's first teachers. Her philosophy is reflected in the reform initiatives she supported: the Women's Educational and Industrial Union and the Nationalist Party.

Submitted by LUCAS BISPO DOS SANTOS null (lucasbispoo18@gmail.com) on 2018-04-04T01:17:51Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Lucas Bispo dos Santos-Dissertação-Versão Finaldef.pdf: 2066371 bytes, checksum: b26a7db652943bf2e7f7d62255c801fc (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Satie Tagara (satie@marilia.unesp.br) on 2018-04-05T14:08:19Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 santos_lb_me_mar.pdf: 2066371 bytes, checksum: b26a7db652943bf2e7f7d62255c801fc (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-05T14:08:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 santos_lb_me_mar.pdf: 2066371 bytes, checksum: b26a7db652943bf2e7f7d62255c801fc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-13 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / O objeto deste trabalho são as negociações do Acordo de Associação Inter-regional Mercado Comum do Sul (Mercosul) - União Europeia (UE), tendo como escopo de análise o período entre 1995 e 2016. O foco da análise está no posicionamento dos governos de Argentina e Brasil, assumindo que os dois países são o eixo fundamental para o avanço da integração do Mercosul. Ao longo dos anos de negociações é perceptível a mudança de ímpetos para a negociação dos dois países, com momentos de maior e menor convergência entre seus posicionamentos em relação à proposta europeia. O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar os interesses defendidos pelos governos argentinos e brasileiros, a partir da compreensão do papel dos grupos de interesses domésticos agrícolas e industriais e sua influência nas negociações, sob ponto de vista político. Demonstra-se que os interesses de negociação de Argentina e Brasil se modificaram ao longo das tratativas tal como dos grupos domésticos estudados. Advoga-se que os posicionamentos dos países refletiriam as preferências nacionais, formadas a partir de pressões de grupos agrícolas e industriais de cada país. / The object of this dissertation is the negotiations of the Interregional Association Agreement between the Southern Common Market (Mercosur) and the European Union (EU), analyzing the period between 1995 and 2016. The focus of the analysis is the position of the governments of Argentina and Brazil, assuming that both countries are fundamentals axis for the progress of Mercosur integration. Throughout the years of negotiations the change of impetus for the negotiation of the two countries is perceptible, with moments of greater and lesser convergence between their positions in relation to the European proposal. The objective of this paper is to analyze the interests defended by the Argentine and Brazilian governments, from the understanding of the role of the agricultural and industrial groups and their influence in the negotiations, from a political point of view. It is shown that the negotiating interests of Argentina and Brazil have changed during the negotiations as well as the domestic groups studied. It is argued that the positions of the countries would reflect the national preferences, formed from the pressures of agricultural and industrial groups in each country. / El objetivo del trabajo son las negociaciones del Acuerdo de Asociación Interregional Mercado Común del Sur (Mercosur) - Unión Europea (UE), teniendo como objetivo de análisis el período entre 1995 y 2016. El foco del análisis está en el posicionamiento de los gobiernos de Argentina y Brasil, asumiendo que los dos países son el eje fundamental para el avance de la integración del Mercosur. A lo largo de los años de negociaciones es perceptible el cambio de ímpetu para la negociación de los dos países, con momentos de mayor y menor convergencia entre sus posicionamientos en relación a la propuesta europea. El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar los intereses defendidos por los gobiernos argentinos y brasileños a partir de la comprensión del papel de los grupos de intereses domésticos agrícolas e industriales y su influencia en las negociaciones desde el punto de vista político. Se demuestra que los intereses de negociación de Argentina y Brasil se modificaron a lo largo de las tratativas tal como de los grupos domésticos estudiados. Se defiende que los posicionamientos de los países reflejen las preferencias nacionales, formadas a partir de presiones de grupos agrícolas e industriales de cada país.